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Immortal German Culture

Immortal German Culture - раздел Информатика, Wir fordern,” Der Angriff, Aufsätze aus der Kampfzeit By Joseph Goebbels Were One To Imagine Western Culture Without Its C...

by Joseph Goebbels

Were one to imagine Western culture without its contributions from Germany and Italy, much would be missing. As obvious as this may be, one has to repeat it now and again to give a short but persuasive reply to the enemy’s arrogant talk. They love to pretend to be the protectors and defenders of an art and culture that they themselves have not created, or to which they made at best a modest contribution that could vanish without much harm to the cultural edifice. The art treasures they possess were mostly stolen by their armies in Europe or the rest of the world. They have hardly any cultural achievements of their own, and those that they do have stem from the spiritual consciousness of that part of the world that they today are trying to destroy. Cities such as Nuremberg and Munich or Florence and Venice contain more eternal manifestations of Western culture than the entire North American continent. What musicians do the English have to compare with Beethoven or Richard Wagner, and what artists can the Americans present to match Michelangelo or Leonardo da Vinci? They talk of human culture. We have it, and remain today its guardians, wardens, and protectors.

We have to remember that to properly understand and appreciate the gigantic struggle the Axis powers are engaged in. We are fighting for the basic values that Europe has created in its thousands of years of history. Even more, we are fighting for the very source of these values, both in the past and for the future. The very roots of Europe are threatened. The nations that made the greatest contribution to the West are fighting for their material and spiritual existence. Were they to surrender, our continent would lose everything. The very roots of its growth, that have borne so much fruit over two millennia, would be cut off.

It is stupid, and easy to refute, when our enemies maintain that they are fighting only the present leadership of the Axis powers, not their peoples. That is what they have always said, but forgotten when the time came to act, as for example in 1918 and 1919. Second, these regimes are the natural expression of their peoples’ modern political thinking. They have no other reasonable form of government. The claim that their autocratic structure takes the life from art, even makes its further progress impossible, is easily refuted both theoretically and practically. These regimes are not nearly as autocratic as they are accused of being. They actually have stronger democratic traits than the traditional democracies, and besides the history of culture shows that everywhere and at every time art does not ask under which political system it lives. Churches and secular buildings were built over the centuries by tyrannical popes and kings. The best of Europe’s paintings come from ages filled with the noise of the battlefield. Demonic noble families promoted the highest flowering of the visual arts, while their citizens lived in fear.

Even ignoring the past, the present refutes the stupid and base claims our enemies use to conceal their actions, which oppose or destroy culture. It is a rape of sound understanding to justify the crazed attacks of English or American terror planes on German or Italian cities on cultural grounds. German or Italian cultural centers that were built over centuries are reduced to soot and ashes in a brief hour. This is far more than an attempt to terrorize our population, much less to attack our armaments production. This is evidence of an historical inferiority complex that wants to destroy what the enemy is incapable of producing himself, and has never created in the past. European humanity must blush in shame that a 20-year-old American, Canadian, or Australian terror flyer can destroy a painting by Albrecht Dürer or Titian, that he can destroy the work of the most honored names in history, though he and millions of his countrymen have not even heard of them. There can be no apology for such behavior. It is a cold, cynical, calculating attack by the spoiled child of Europe. These upstarts from the New World turn against the Old World because it is richer in soul and spirit. Its eternal artistic accomplishments stand against skyscrapers, cars, and refrigerators.

Is it not interesting that the English leadership has destroyed dozens of German theaters, while England itself does not have even a single serious theater? And the Americans are not even worth mentioning. They lay waste to Europe’s cities and its cultural landmarks, since there is nothing to compare them to in Chicago or San Francisco. Their bombing terror will destroy that part of European art and culture that they cannot buy.

We know what they are up to. This war is about more than our daily bread, our living space, and our peace. More than ever before we have to defend our most valuable possessions, the things that make life worth living, without which human life is meaningless, like the lives of our enemies from the steppes of the east.

War is indeed a great destroyer, but it also contains constructive elements that suddenly appear in the midst of its destructive work. It robs us of our senses, yet also gives them back. Never before have our continent’s people been able to see so clearly where Europe stands and what we must do. Times of comfortable peace may make the lure of material comfort seem all too satisfying. War wipes it all away. It drives away dullness and indifference, and returns us to the roots and sources of our strength, teaching that man does not live by bread alone. Never have the German people had such a drive toward intellectual and spiritual things as they do today. I am not speaking of the less pleasant manifestations of war, which are always there. But one should look to our theaters, concert halls, museums, and art exhibitions. Day and night, summer and winter, tens and hundreds of thousands of Germans sit or stand there astonished at so much beauty. We have become richer, more fulfilled, and better as a result of the war.

It would be a mistake to explain this development exclusively on material grounds. The German people are not spending their money on art because there is no other way to spend it, as is sometimes said. The path to art is the path to their hearts. The present with its pain and misery drive us to the consoling certainties of our people, and where are they more visible than in art? We see in it the answer to the destructive fury of our enemies. We learn today to appreciate what they cannot understand, since it is threatened. It is of no importance if this occasionally occurs in primitive ways, or as some know-it-alls call it, Kitsch. Over time things will work themselves out. We were all beginners once, and what pleased us as children often does not please us once we are mature. A large part of our people still is in its childhood years in this regard, which leaves room for systematic education and development. Despite all our rich and glorious past, we are a people at its beginning. Everything is open before us. We need only to reach out.

It would be more than serious if today’s artists did not want to understand that. Never have they had a more eager public than they have today. One must recall the past to know what that means. New pictures, sculptures, plays, novels, symphonies, and operas are no longer of interest only to intellectual critics in the newspapers, as was once often the case. Today they must withstand the eye and ear of the people. Even more, they have to endure comparison with the great works of the past, which the popular consciousness today has begun to understand, and which provide the standards for the new fans of art. Goethe’s maxim is truer today than it ever was: artists must create, not talk. The age offers each the opportunity to test his talents. In contrast to the past, each has an equal chance. No one can complain that he had no chance to speak, as long as he has something to say. Let him reach for the pen, the brush, the chisel, and the compass and speak with the instruments of his art and his calling to an age that is waiting for enlightenment.

It is almost a miracle that in the midst of this gigantic battle, art is able to exist, almost untouched by the storms of our people’s gigantic and fateful struggle. Were any proof needed of National Socialism’s support for the arts, this is that proof. That does not mean that artists can ignore what is going on around them. There may be an artist here or there who believes that since his art does not concern the war, the elementary laws of war have no application to him. He must be reminded of his duty, perhaps rather firmly. His work, even if not related to the war, is not an end in itself. He is still working for his people, which is enduring the heaviest burdens and deepest sorrows. It has a right to expect the artist to recognize that, particularly since he enjoys creative freedom in the mist of war that he never had in times of normal and unmolested peace.

In this fourth year of the war, I have the honor to open in the Führer’s name the 7th Great German Art Exhibition in the House of German Art in Munich.

The beautiful and impressive exhibition is not independent of its age. Its form is influenced by it. It contributes to the war at the front. Our artists here give the best evidence of their energy and their creative fanaticism.

As in the past war years, the Führer cannot be with us. But his spirit is even more with us. This cultural monument, the building, and the exhibition, are his work. It was built in peace, maintained and expanded in war, and points to a happy and blessed peace. Its splendor today gives us a sign of what will be when the victory comes, in which we believe more today than ever before.

I greet the Führer in this great age, of which he is the creator. The scaffolding is still there and only the expert can see what its creator has in mind. But we can all believe in it.

We do that with all the strength of our hearts.

 

The Führer as a Speaker

by Dr. Joseph Goebbels

There are two fundamentally different kinds of speakers: those who use reasoning, and those who speak from the heart. They reach two different sorts of people, those who understand through reason, and those who understand through the heart. Speakers who aim for the reason are generally found in parliaments, those who speak from the heart speak to the people.

The speaker who uses reason, if he is to be effective, must command a wide range of statistical and factual material. He must be a master of dialectic as the pianist is master of the keyboard. With ice cold logic, he develops his line of thinking and draws irrefutable conclusions. He is most effective with people who work primarily or exclusively with reason. Big and compelling successes are denied him. He does not understand how to fire up the masses for a great cause. He is limited to educational discourse. Since he is cold, he leaves his listeners cold. At best he persuades people, but never mobilizes them and sets them marching regardless of their own ideas or the element of personal risk involved.

The speaker from the heart is different. He may have the skills of the master of reasoning. They are, however, only tools he uses as a true rhetorical virtuoso. He has abilities not found in the reasoning speaker. He combines clear diction with simple argumentation, and instinct tells him what to say and how to say it. Language is united with ideas. He knows the secret corners and aspects of the mass soul and knows how to reach and touch them. His speeches are masterpieces of declamation. He outlines people and conditions; he inscribes his theses on the tablet of the age; with deep and noble passion he explains the pillars of his world view. His voice reaches out from the depths of his blood into the depths of the souls of his listeners. He brings to expression the secrets of the human soul. He rouses the tired and lazy, fires up the indifferent and the doubting, turns cowards into men and weaklings into heroes.

These rhetorical geniuses are the drummers of fate. They begin their work alone in dark and dismal historical epochs and suddenly and unexpectedly find themselves in the spotlight of new developments. They are the speakers that make history.

As any great man, a gifted speaker has his individual style. He can only speak as he is. His words are written into his body. He speaks his own language, whether in posters or letters, essays, addresses or speeches.

There are many examples in history that prove that great speakers resemble each other only in their effects. The nature of their appeals to people, their appeals to the heart, vary with the time, the nation, and the character of the epoch. Caesar spoke differently to his legions than Frederick the Great did to his army, Napoleon differently to his guard than Bismarck did to the members of the Prussian Parliament. Each used language that his hearers understood and used words and thoughts that reached their emotions and found an echo in their hearts.The daemon of their era gave each the ability to speak in a way that raised them above his century as one of the eternal proclaimers of great ideas, one of those who makes history and transforms nations.

The various races seem to have differing abilities in this realm. Some seem too reserved to practice the art, others seem practically predestined to it. One speaks of Latin eloquence, for example. The wealth of average and important speakers in the Roman peoples is also some proof of this. It also seems true that rhetorical ability in these nations finds a public that understands it and gives it the widest possibility of success.

In the past, our German people was not particularly gifted in this regard. We had more than enough statesmen and soldiers, philosophers and scientists, musicians and poets, builders and engineers, geniuses of planning and organization. But we always lacked those with rhetorical gifts. No one after Fichte’s classic speeches to the German people was able to reach the people’s hearts, until Bismarck. When Bismarck departed, no one followed until the collapse after the World War brought forth a new preacher. In between we had at best serviceable speakers, suitable for everyday or parliamentary use or service on boards of directors, but who encountered only icy reserve when they spoke to the people.

This was probably the result of the times. There were no great ideas, no powerful projects. Rhetoric sank into a morass of self-satisfaction. The only apparent exception, Marxism, was secretly allied with them and its speakers represented a materialism that could never release the spark of true genius.

But revolutions bring forth true speakers, and true speakers make revolutions! One should not overestimate the role of written or printed words in revolutions, but the secret magic of the spoken word reaches directly the emotions and the hearts of people. It reaches the eye and the ear, and the electrifying force of the masses seized by the human voice sweeps with it the wavering and the doubting.

What would happen to a statesmanly genius who fate had for some reason placed in an inferior position if he lacked the power of speech and the explosive force of the word! It gives him the ability to make ideas from ideals and realities from ideas. With its help, he gathers people to his flag who are ready to fight with him; driven by it, men risk their health and their lives to bring a new world to victory. An organization comes from the propaganda of the word, a movement from the organization, and that movement conquers the state. The important thing is not whether an idea is right; the decisive thing is whether one can present it effectively to the masses so that they become its adherents. Theories remain theories when living men to not give them expression. Living people in difficult times follow only an appeal that reaches their hearts because it comes from the heart.

It is difficult to place the Führer within these categories. His ability to reach the masses is unique and remarkable, fitting no organizational scheme or dogma. It would be ridiculous to think he attended some sort of speaker school; he is a rhetorical genius who developed his own abilities with no help from anyone else. One cannot imagine that the Führer ever spoke differently than he does today, or that he will ever speak differently. He speaks his heart, and therefore reaches the hearts of those who hear him. He has the amazing gift of sensing what is in the air. He has the ability to express things so clearly, logically and directly that listeners are convinced that that is what they have always thought themselves. That is the true secret of the effectiveness of Adolf Hitler’s speeches. The Führer is neither a speaker from reason nor from the heart. He uses both, depending on the needs of the moment. The essential characteristics of his speeches to the people are: clear organization, irrefutable logical reasoning, simplicity and clarity of expression, razor-sharp dialectic, a developed and sure instinct for the masses and their feelings, an electrifying emotional appeal that is used sparingly, and the ability to reach out to the souls of the people in a way that never goes unanswered.

Long ago when he was still far from power, the Führer spoke to a meeting filled primarily with his political opponents. From the beginning, he was rejected. For two hours he struggled with the stubbornness of his audience, addressing all their problems and objections until at the end there was only thundering agreement, jubilation and enthusiasm. As he concluded, someone yelled from the highest row: “Hitler is Columbus!”

That got to the heart of it. He had stood the egg on its end. He clarified the confused and mysterious nature of the age. He showed his hearers in a clear and simply way that the man in the street had long sensed, but had not found the courage to express. Hitler said what everyone thought and felt! More than that, he had the civil courage in the face of nearly everyone else to express with iron logic what had to be done.

The Führer is the first person in Germany to use speech to make history. As he began, it was all he had. He had only a strong heart and his pure word. Using them, he reached the deepest depths of the souls of his people. He did not speak like everyone else. He could not be compared with them. He understood the cares and worries of the little man and spoke about them, but they were for him only brush strokes on the dreadful painting of Germany’s collapse. He did more than simply talk about them, he was not a mere reporter like the others. He took the events of the day and gave them a larger national significance that put them in context. He appealed to the good, not the bad instincts of the masses. His speaking was a magnet that drew to him whomever in the people who still had iron in his blood.

Stupid and empty-headed bourgeois people for a time were pleased to disparage him as a “drummer.” They made themselves ridiculous, but did not realize it. Since they entirely lacked rhetorical ability, they thought his was a lesser form of leadership. They strove for power without realizing that Marxism had taken power from them by force, and would give up that power only as the result of force. They formed groups when they needed a national movement. They attempted putsches when revolution was in the air. They held the masses in contempt because they did not want to lead them. The masses bow only to him who puts them under his uncompromising command. They obey only him who knows how to give orders. They have a fine instinct for determining if something is really meant, or only said.

It is perhaps a classic proof of the inner strength of the German people that it heard the appeal of a man who went his own way, in opposition to the state and society, the press and public opinion, apparently against all reason and good sense. It is also a classic proof for the outstanding rhetorical brilliance of the Führer that his word alone was enough to transform an entire period, to defeat an apparently strong state and to bring in a new era.

An historic figure who has such impact must command all the skills of the spoken word. That is the case with the Führer. He speaks as confidently before workers as before scientists. His words strike deep into the hearts of farmers and city-dwellers. When he speaks to children, they are deeply moved. The magic of his voice reaches men’s secret feelings. He translates historical philosophy into the language of the people. He has the ability to call up long forgotten history and make those who hear him feel as if they had always known about it. There is no element of superiority in his speaking, the kind of thing one sees in the speeches of the educated.

His words always focus on the central ideas of our people, our nation, and our race. He can express things in a thousand different ways. The listener never feels that he has heard it before. The masses hear the same major ideas of our national renaissance in ever new forms. There is nothing doctrinaire in his style. If he makes an assertion, it is proven by a multitude of examples. The examples are not taken only from the experiences of a particular area or class, thus leaving everyone else untouched. They come from everywhere in the nation, such that each is spoken to. They are chosen with such care that even the blindest opponent must in the end grant that, unlike the parliamentary speakers, this man believes what he says.

Ordinary life is presented in a way that grips the hearers. The problems of the day are not explained only with the difficult tools of a worldview, but with wit and bitting irony. His humor triumphs; one cries with one eye and laughs with the other. Every tone of daily life is touched upon.

A sure sign of a good speech is that it not only sounds good, but reads well. The Führer’s speeches are stylistic masterpieces, whether he improvizes at the podium, speaks from brief notes, or speaks from a manuscript at an important international occasion. If one is not in his immediate vicinity, he cannot tell if the speech is a written speech delivered extemporaneously, or an extemporaneous speech delivered as if it were written out. His speeches are always ready to be printed. The picture would not be complete if we did not point out that the Führer is a master of rhetorical discussion. The last time the public had an opportunity to see him in action was his reckoning with the Social Democrats in the Reichstag in 1933, when he responded to the then Representative Wels. One had the feeling that a cat was playing with a mouse. Marxism was driven from one corner into another. Wherever he sought cover, he faced destruction. With breathtaking precision, one rhetorical blow after another fell on him. Without a manuscript or notes, the Führer gave a major, long-desired attack on Social Democratic parliamentarians who here received their coup de grace. How often in the past he had defeated them when they dared to show up in our meetings. Back then they had the ability to turn shameful defeats into brilliant victories in their newspapers the next day. Now the whole nation saw then fall into his hands. It was a debacle.

Judges and states attorney had learned to respect his rhetorical offensives. They asked the accused or the witness Hitler naive sounding questions or tried to lead him onto thin ice with innocent sounding questions. The 1924 trial on the uprising of 8-9 November 1923 turned into a triumphant success for the accused, since the Führer overcame the mountains of files, hostility, and misunderstanding through the shining strength of his obvious truthfulness and the power of his gripping eloquence. The Republic probably regretted that Leipzig Reichswehr trial in 1930, in which it tried to destroy the Führer and his movement. They gave him a platform from which the whole people heard his rhetorical effectiveness. One recalls today with a shudder that a Jewish-Communist attorney fired questions at him for nine hours straight, but recalls with satisfaction that Jewish Bolshevism found an opponent whose words and ideas wrestled it to the ground.

We saw and experienced the Führer as a speaker at the Party Rally of Freedom in 1935. He spoke fifteen times within a period of seven days. Not once did he repeat a thought or a phrase. Everything was new, fresh, young, vital, and compelling. He spoke in one way to officials, another to the S.A. and S.S. men, one way to the youth and another to the women. In his major speech on culture, he explained the deepest secrets of the arts, and his speech to the Wehrmacht was understood by the last soldier in the last battalion. The entire life of the German people was spanned by his speeches. He is a proclaimer of the word who can express its thousand-fold nature through the grace of God.

The Führer it at his best, however, before a small audience. Here he is able to reach each individual member of the audience. His speaking carries away the listener, who never loses interest because he always feels spoken to directly. He may speak about a random theme with an expertise that astonishes the specialists, or in speaking about everyday matters suddenly raise them to universal significance.

On such occasions the Führer can be more intimate and precise than a public speech permits. He can go into the heart of things with irrefutable logic. Only one who has heard him in such a setting can understand his full brilliance as a speaker.

One can say that his speeches to his people and the world have an audience unprecedented in world history. They are words that inspire the heart and have a lasting impact in forming a new international epoch, There is probably no educated person in the world who has not heard the sound of his voice and who, whether he understood the words or not, felt that his heart was spoken to by magical words. Our people is fortunate to know the voice the world hears, a voice that puts words into thoughts and uses those thoughts to move an era. This man is a man with the courage to say yes and no, without qualifying them with an if or a but. Millions of people are suffering from bitter sorrow, great troubles, and terrible need. They see hardly a star of hope through the dark clouds that cover Europe’s sky. No one is able to dispel the despair they face. But in Germany, God chose one from countless millions to speak our pain!

 

What Does America Really Want?

by Joseph Goebbels

The American press has the noble right to complain about Europe. It makes vigorous use of this right, particularly when Germany is involved. National Socialist Germany is a thorn in its eye.

The Third Reich has been the target of its mockery, hatred, lies, and slander since 30 January 1933, especially from that part controlled by the Jews. The American press takes particular pleasure in criticizing Germany on grounds of humanitarianism, civilization, human rights, and culture. It has every right to do so. Its humanity is shown in most vivid form by lynchings. Its civilization is shown in economic and political scandals that stink to high heaven. Its human rights are displayed by eleven or twelve million unemployed, who apparently chose to be so. And its culture exists only because it is always borrowing from the older European nations. Such a nation is certainly justified in sneering at ancient Europe, whose nations and peoples looked back on centuries, even millennia, of cultural achievements long before America was even discovered.

The American press replies to our complaints by saying that it has nothing against Germany, only against National Socialism. That is a poor excuse. National Socialism today is Germany’s guiding political idea and worldview. The entire German nation affirms it. To criticize National Socialism today therefore means to criticize the entire German people.

It will not do to say that National Socialism is a dictatorship, and that there are still many in Germany who, inwardly at least, reject it. That simply is not the case. It is a fantasy that exists only in the minds of democratic politicians and journalists, but has nothing to do with the facts. There is no doubt about it: the public campaign against Germany is a conscious and intentional provocation aimed at the German Reich and the German people.

Generally, it does not make any difference to us. We Germans do not depend on the love or grace of other nations; we live from our own national strength. The time is long past when Germany expected its salvation from abroad. Such international help was always lacking when it was most needed during the postwar period. It appeared only when international money and stock capital believed that it could earn vast profits that could be earned nowhere else by helping Germany.

We could simply say that America is far away, with a big ocean separating us. What do we care about what they think, write, or say about us? That was fine as long as America’s highly developed hate campaign against Germany kept within certain bounds. But when it infects even official circles rather than merely newspapers and radio stations it becomes more serious.

This campaign reached unbelievable heights after 10 November 1938. American public opinion, influenced by the Jews, is trying to interfere to an intolerable degree in German domestic politics. They think that can use methods against Germany that are normally unheard of in relations between civilized nations.

We know very well who the instigators and beneficiaries are. They are mostly Jews, or people who are in their service and who are totally dependent on them.

For example, it is not surprising that the New York press attacks Germany so strongly. Over two million Jews live in New York and public, and especially economic life, there is entirely under their control.

The German press so far has generally responded to this filthy and dispicable campaign of hatred only sporadically and in a restrained manner. Only after official personages in the United States got involved did we think it necessary to say something. For example, the American Interior Secretary Ickes publicly declared on 19 December 1938 that no American could accept a medal from the hands of a brutal dictator that with the same hand robbed and tortured thousands of people, that saw a day when it committed no new crime against humanity as a day wasted. Put simply, that is not a style of speaking that is customary in relations between states.

The American Undersecretary of Secretary of State Welles responded to German protests by saying that Ickes’s statement represented the opinion of the overwhelming majority of the American public. One does not know what to say. What does he mean! Was the American president ever personally attacked in the German press, or America’s leading men slandered? We have been very restrained, even though we certainly had every reason to discuss this or that matter of American domestic policy.

Such things are not our concern. American statesmen, not us, determine American domestic policy. We are concerned only with Germany’s affairs. We also have no reason or intention of smuggling German political ideas into America. The very opposite, since the methods that we use are purely German. They are only valid in Germany. But we do believe that just as we respect the internal affairs of other countries and avoid polemics against them, they should treat us in the same way.

One cannot say that that is true of the United States of North America at present. Nearly the whole press, radio, and film industry support the worldwide campaign against Germany.

Senator Pitman put the matter bluntly on 22 December 1938: “The American people do not like Germany’s government.”

We happen to think that the American people have nothing to do with the matter. If they do not like Germany, it is because of the hate campaign. This campaign is conducted by certain international scoundrels who lack conscience and scruples. They are doing it both for foreign and alll too transparent domestic reasons.

The Lima Conference is behind the anti-German campaign. North America hopes to encourage South American hostility against Germany, and really against Europe as a whole. They do not like German competition in the South American market. The enormous North American armaments industry is also calling up images of a coming war against the totalitarian governments for business reasons.

We have no intention of answering the criticisms that the American Jewish press raises against Germany by looking at America’s domestic affairs. It is enough to observe that although Germany is the poorest country in the world in terms of foreign currency reserves and raw materials, it has not only abolished unemployment, but has a labor shortage. North America, meanwhile has between eleven and twelve million unemployed, even though it is rich in foreign currency reserves and raw materials. Most of the American press ignores this situation. It cannot deny it, of course. It claims that German success is contemptible, since it used methods of hate and contempt.

This is entirely backward. The seven million Germans who got jobs after National Socialism took power in Germany are not interested in the methods that gave them jobs. It reminds one of the familiar joke. Two workers are halfheartedly trying to remove a paving stone. A passerby watches for a while, then grabs a pickax and yanks the stone out. One worker says to the other: “Well, sure, if you use force...”

The American press uses the same argument. It cannot deny National Socialism’s successes. It can only say: “Well, sure, if you use force...” It thinks the German people had to make too great a sacrifice for these successes.

The German people sees things differently. It knows that certain restrictions in some areas were necessary for national reconstruction. The American public is practically drowning in wealth, prosperity, foreign currency, gold bars, and raw materials. It can hardly imagine how an intelligent, hardworking, and courageous people can get along without all those advantages.

However that may be, future developments concern us.

No one but Germany has the right to judge Germany’s domestic affairs. No one has the right to turn one people against another, to incite discord and promote ignorance that lead to international crises.

Mr. Eden, the ambassador of international world democracy, found the right audience a few weeks ago in New York when he attacked National Socialism. The most prominent representatives of American international industry, economics, and finance were gathered. Mr. Eden would have done better to tell the eleven or twelve million unemployed where they could find jobs. He seems to have realized that his hate tirade might have found a less friendly reception there than it did from the audience to which he did speak.

Jewry applauds whenever Germany is attacked. Jewry hates National Socialism for reasons that do not need to be mentioned. Jewry is our enemy, it should be our enemy, it must be our enemy. The question is whether the American people want to make the Jews happy by engaging in fruitless conflict with the German Reich and the German people. That we do protest against. That is neither necessary nor helpful.

We have nothing against the American people. We know and respect their political views and internal affairs, even if we might do things differently. We believe we have the right to expect the same of American public opinion about Germany. We also fail to see the benefits of such controversy. What good will it do America? Does it think it can starve Germany using the same methods as those of the World War?

Every economic action has two sides. It affects not only its target, but also the side that uses it. American cotton farmers, sitting on piles of unsold cotton, know this well.

It is time to recommend peace and good sense. American public opinion is going the wrong way. It would benefit by returning to the old, tested practices of international courtesy and good manners, and by treating Germany in the way normal among civilized nations.

We do not expect our appeal to have a great impact on American attitudes. Still, we think it our duty to speak plainly.

Given the influence of the Jews on parts of American public opinion, we again stress the shortsightedness and uselessness of such methods, and ask the world this question: “What does America really want?”

 

– Конец работы –

Эта тема принадлежит разделу:

Wir fordern,” Der Angriff, Aufsätze aus der Kampfzeit

The source: “Wir fordern,” Der Angriff, Aufsätze aus der Kampfzeit (Munich: Zentralverlag der NSDAP., 1935), pp. 18-19....

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by Joseph Goebbels The German people faces the hardest, most severe Christmas in its history. True, there were sometimes days in the past filled with misery and sorrow, as when the soldier

Hitler, the Great German
Adolf Hitler’s goal is to solve the social and labor questions. His knowledge of social need does not come from hearsay. For many years in Vienna and Munich, he had to earn his little daily bread a

Hitler, the Prophet
In the National Socialist movement, the farmer stands beside the worker, the prince beside the worker, the student next to the front soldier. Millions and millions have joined together under the id

Hitler, the Fighter
A man who has the strength and gifts to build a movement of millions from a small sect of seven men, a movement that today already encompasses the largest and best part of the whole German people,

Hitler, the Reich President
He who wishes that everything should stay as it is in Germany gives himself over to despair. We do not mind if he casts his vote for the representatives of this system. But we want everything in Ge

And for Those Who Want to Become One
by Joseph Goebbels 1. A dictatorship requires three things: a man, an idea, and a following ready to live for the man and the idea, and if necessary to die for them. If the man is lacking

Those Damned Nazis
by Joseph Goebbels Why Are We Nationalists? We are nationalists because we see the nation as the only way to bring all the force

Revolutionary Demands
We do not enter parliament to use parliamentary methods. We know that the fate of peoples is determined by personalities, never by parliamentary majorities. The es

The right of personality before that of the mob. Germans always will have preference before foreigners and Jews.
A battle against the destructive poison of international Jewish culture! A strengthening of German forces and German customs. The elimination of corrupt Semitic principles and raci

Make Way for Young Germany
by Joseph Goebbels My fellow citizens: It is really rather remarkable that I, a Prussian, can speak in the Bavaria of Held and Stützel [opposition politicians]

Knowledge and Propaganda
by Joseph Goebbels My dear fellow party members! Our theme this evening is hotly disputed. I realize that my viewpoint is subjective. There is really little point to discussing pr

Will and Way
by Joseph Goebbels It is the task of National Socialist theory to construct a program that can hold its own in the daily political struggle. We have worked on this program since the start

The Great Illusion of the Last Emergency Decree
Why does Brüning attack the NSDAP, but not Communism? Mr. Reich Chancellor! I read the following sentences in your commentary on the Fourth

An Unnecessary Attack
In your speech, Mr. Reich Chancellor, you intentionally attack the National Socialist movement, indirectly comparing it to the unity of the rest of the population. Since this attack against a part

But that would mean millions, the overwhelming majority of our people.
Since that did not happen, there can only be partisan reasons for attacking only the National Socialist movement with accusations that are both unjustified and easy to refute. That

The System,
the nature of which is incorporated in the present government, has been rejected by the overwhelming majority of the German nation. If one attempts despite that to justify from a d

I along with all of my leaders and party members agree fully with this policy, with the exception of those
intentional provocateurs sent to infiltrate the party. However, I am not responsible for them, but rather those high officials who sent them.

The imposition of martial law
against all who attempt to resist constitutional authorities in the hour of the greatest test of nerves.” Mr. Reich Chancellor! The charge of illusions does not apply to the national oppos

It was an illusion to sign the Dawes Pact, and to believe in the dream that this would somehow improve the German economy.
It was yet another illusion when one celebrated the Fata Morgana of a Dawes spring as the start of an economic rescue of the state. The hope one put in the Locarno agreement was a

The emergency decrees from which you expected so much, Mr. Reich Chancellor, have also proven to be illusions.
Most fateful of all were the illusions that miserable and weak radio speeches could somehow make these decrees popular. In my first open letter you to, Mr. Reich Chancellor, I pointed out

The people is interested only in the question of how well poorly one solves these major crises.
The people is concerned not with the extent of an emergency decree or the period to which it applies — and rightly so. It is not interested in whether or not it took long hours of the day and into

Adolf Hitler
  The source: Heinz Franke, Die Journaille lügt! (Munich: Eher Verlag, 1932). The Sensationalist Newspapers Lie! by Hei

Enemy of the workers
The sensationalist newspapers lie when they say:The Nazis are enemies of the workers, they want to destroy the unions and reduce wages. To make these lies believable to Ge

Marxism has as little claim to socialism as the Marxist parties have to representing the whole German working class.
There are millions of German workers who have seen the true face of Marxism, and who refuse to allow Jewish stock exchange swindlers to claim to be “leaders of the workers.” What German wo

The Harzburg Front
The sensationalist newspapers lie:The Nazis, Stahlhelm, and German Nationalists have joined together in the Harzburg front to fight the workers. The Harzburg Front is reactionary!

Capitalist Hirelings
The sensationalist newspapers lie when they say:The Nazis are capitalist hirelings, the paid soldiers of capitalism. The Red Jewish press has proclaimed for years in vario

And the S.P.D.
Why does the SPD slander the Nazis as enemies of pay agreements? To divert the masses from the fact that it is the socialist party hacks who are loosening the pay agreements to per

German workers
There are your enemies, those who reduce your pay so that they can continue to sit in their comfortable chairs. Why does the SPD slander the Nazis as “reactionary puppets

German workers
That is what the same party hacks say now, but in their election proclamation of 19 July 1930 they wrote: “Against Brüning’s government, which is brother to big capital.” When Brü

Warmongers
The sensationalist papers lie when they say:The Nazis want war, they are militarists and warmongers. That is an insolent, shameless lie. National Socialism does absolutely

None of us wishes for a war.
However, we remain men who, if necessary, hold to life less than to freedom. If one sees that as “bloodthirsty,” and wishes to exterminate it, then one signs the death sentence for our nation at th

Civil War
The sensationalist newspapers lie when they say:National Socialism means civil war! With complete lack of shame, the Red scribblers lie in saying that the Nazis planned a

Units will be secretly transported, concealed in the trucks, so that each will seem to be innocent freight.
8. The principle is to hold or fight for political power! To form a front against the Nazis and the Right. Any means is in order: Up to a death blow.” And these lying sens

And the S.P.D.
Why does the SPD slanderthe Nazis as “warmongers”? In order to divert the masses from the undeniable fact that it was the Red leaders who betrayed the German army and dest

Young Plan
As the National Socialists attempted to save the German people from the disastrous Young Plan through a referendum, the Red sensationalist newspapers cried and shouted that the Nazis were promoting

Capital Flight
After the National Socialist election victory of 14 September 1930, the Social Democratic party hacks began to tolerate the bourgeois Brüning cabinet that they had previously opposed. They att

Inflation
As the old lies were no longer believable, the Red bigwig society found a new lie in fall 1931, the lie that the Nazis wanted inflation. With astounding insolence, the same elements responsible for

Mass brochures free of charge.
Among them were the Scheidemann pamphlet Heads in the Sand? and the Löbe pamphlet The Dragon of Marxism — each with a million free copies distributed. The NSDAP

The sensationalist newspapers lie
from principle, in order to divert attention from the treason and crimes of the Red bankrupts. Lie as much as you want! The German worker does not believe you any longer. He turns

The Hindenburg Election of 1925
The first round of the Reich presidential election of 29 March 1925 had these results:   Votes Dr. Karl Jarres, Middle Class coalition

Center Party 1925
In the Reich presidential election of 1925, the Center Party competed with the Jewish Democrats and Social Democrats in inventing slanders against that same general field marshal. The Cent

Center Party 1932
The Center Party paper Germania published an articled titled “Hindenburg’s Candidacy: The National Goal is to Unite the People in a Battle for its Existence” on 16 F

The Center Party and the SPD on their presidential candidate
During the Reich presidential election, the Volksfreund (24 April 1925) and the Badische Beobacher (25 April 1925) published the following caricature of Hindenburg:

Field Marshal von Hindenburg.
Those who have been, or might be proposed as counter candidates, in view of the situation, cannot be an affirmation, but rather the negation of the German will for unity

Vossische Zeitung
9 April 1925 “...The catastrophic impression that Hindenburg’s candidacy has had in America is becoming clearer and clearer; ... German-Swiss concerns ... A happy day for Poinc&aac

Berliner Morgenpost
10 April 1925 “All of Germany’s enemies rejoice, all of its friends are dismayed.” 15 April 1925 “...If Hindenburg comes before the nation with the claim

The Democrats in 1932
The Vossische Zeitung wrote in issue #77 of 15 February 1932: “The mass meeting at which Hindenburg accepted the nomination to run for a second term of office is a truly historic mo

Social Democrats in 1925
The Social Democrats surpassed everyone in this noble battle in throwing filth at the venerable field marshal of the World War. Vorwärts thundered and raged about the presumption of a g

Social Democrats 1932
Now this same Social Democracy is saying that it is “a particularly vile trick “ that the Nazis are not voting for Hindenburg. Today, the Social Democratic party h

Foreign Policy Failures
The policies of the Black-Red System parties have thrown the German people into the deepest hole that a people has ever been in. The revolt of 9 November 1918 took the weapons away from th

Domestic Failures
The System parties failed utterly in foreign policy, but their bankruptcy in domestic policy was even greater. Not a single one of the promises that the Red party hacks fed the masses over

The Great Illusion
The field marshal has accepted candidacy from the men who, seven years ago, attacked him in the most hateful ways, and is ready to run on behalf of those who opposed him in 1925. Hindenburg accepte

These three national states (as opposed to a Bolshevist state) together have about 8 million soldiers equipped with the best modern weapons.
Does anyone in the world believe that these three national states would or could tolerate a Bolshevist stronghold between them? A Bolshevist stronghold that would over time spread to France

A National Socialist Germany.
The system has not, and cannot, see the danger. It is necessarily the pathfinder for Bolshevism. Therefore, a responsible German today cannot vote for Field Marshal von Hi

Facts and Lies about Hitler
The Führer as a Person Two men stand at the fore in the battle for power in Germany, and behind each two mighty columns of the German people march. One man is the 85-

Building the foundations for its ability to survive.
Hitler is convinced that freedom for the German people and its appropriate position among the peoples can be gained through entirely peaceful methods. The prerequisite is the firm

A Selection of Lies about Hitler
Nothing better demonstrates the great hatred the parties responsible for Germany’s misery have for Hitler than a selection of the lies that they spread about him. And nothing speaks more for Hitler

Answers to the Most Common Lies
Hitler Betrayed South Tyrol! Besides a court verdict, a South Tyrolean answered this one.Count Fedrigotti, a leader of the South Tyrol Home Federation, and Member

Answers to Frequent Questions
Why the Name “National Socialists”? Hitler says: “You cannot be a true nationalist without also being a socialist; you others cannot be true socialists wi

Adolf Hitler
was born on 20 April 1889 in Brannau am Inn, a formerly Bavarian town. His father had worked himself up from the orphaned son of a poor farmer to a custom

Hitler decided to become a politician.
In 1919, he joined a small group of 6 men, and transformed it into the National Socialist German Workers Party. He outlined the goals of the new movement in broad detail, laying ou

The insanity of Versailles,
refuting strongly claims by the Marxists, the Center Party, etc., that its terms could be fulfilled. He also attacked the slogan these parties used that if Germany “disarmed, so would the others.”

His first jail term
for disrupting opponents’ meetings, receiving constant fines, but does not give up his battle against the System even for a moment. During summer 1923, Hitler begi

On 27 February 1925, Adolf Hitler calls a meeting to reestablish the party, and speaks for the first time since his release to over 4,000 people.
Since the National Socialist movement was dissolved after 9 November 1923, and its assets and property seized, Hitler begins to build the party again, without any resources. Vorwärt

Emergency Economic Program of the NSDAP
Fighting Pamphlet Nr. 16: Pamphlet Series of the Reichspropaganda-Leitung of the NSDAP Produced by Section IV (Economics) of the Reichsorganisationsleitung der NSDAP. 2nd edition (101,000

I. The National Socialist Job Creation Program
A. The reasons for creating jobs Unemployment causes poverty, employment creates prosperity. Capital does

II. General Economic Measures
F. Commercial and financial measures Foreign trade Foreign currency supplies Law against capital flight Currency reform G. Bank and credi

Unemployment benefits burden the economy, but job creation stimulates the economy.
Tolerating unemployment means: With less labor, less is produced, and therefore less can be consumed. The result:hunger, poverty, and wage cuts. The fewer

Working people cannot be satisfied with meager unemployment benefits. Working people demand the right to a job.
Tolerating unemployment means a brutal deprivation of rights for the productive people’s comrade. He is robbed of his freedom to earn his living by his own efforts. He is robbed of the ability to s

We have the productive capacity for more jobs.
The stupidest objection to job creation is the claim that we lack the productive capacity. We have the land to produce more food (see section C). We have the mines to produce more coal and ore. We

We have markets for increased jobs.
Markets for German production must exist as long as the needs of the last German people’s comrade are not met. Today, 6 million people’s comrades are unemployed. T

These markets are available only domestically.
If the German economy is to meet its real task — meeting the needs of the German people — there are vast opportunities that are not today being met. Previous economic policy has aimed above

The focus on domestic markets must lead to the social liberation of the German worker.
Refocusing the German economy on the domestic market can succeed only if the masses of the people have sufficient purchasing strength to absorb the increased production. That, in turn, can happen o

What needs to be done.
The following steps must be taken to refocus the German economy on the domestic market: Promoting the fertility of German soil by land reclamation (see Section C).

Only the state can accomplish these tasks.
The burden on public finance caused by unemployment today hinders any attempt to promote new jobs and production facilities, that is, any growth in private industry. Economic prosperity wil

The private home as dwelling
Along with food and clothing, housing is one of the necessities of life. The majority of those who live in big cities today do not live in decent apartments, but rather in terrible confined quarter

The private home as a productive space
Each private home should have a yard of about 1/4 hectare. That will allow a worker to raise a significant part of the food he needs from his own land. His life thereby becomes more secure, and he

Building settlements of individual homes
Each worker willing and able to buy a single-family house will receive a 40% subvention from the government. If he has a job, he can borrow the rest from a state bank, which will guarantee favorabl

Financing public job creation
As new jobs are created, unemployment and welfare payments will decline and tax revenues and social security contributions will increase. These savings and increases will cover at least 50% of tota

Financing production
The National Socialist job creation program will increase the prosperity and purchasing power of the people. More will be purchased, and the economy will sell more, and orders will increase. Since

Guidelines for our trade policy
Our foreign trade policy must be guided by the following guidelines: The reparations policies of post-war governments have made Germany one of the poorest civilized

Foreign currency supplies
The bourgeois-liberal and Marxist governments of the post-war period have burdened the German people with foreign debts that are currently about 22 billion marks. These private deb

Law against capital flight
National Socialism demands that everything possible be done to make capital that has been transferred abroad useful again for the German economy. In order to make the burdens

Currency Reform
For years, National Socialism has called for Germany to give up the gold standard: The Reich Bank’s gold and foreign currency reserves are constantl

Bank supervision
The problems with today’s private banking system are clear. Bank presidents receive hundreds of thousands in pay for their supposed vastly important work; each mem

The money transfer system
Germany is behind in the cashless transfer of money. In England checks have become widely accepted. In America, children learn how to fill out a check in school. W

Reducing interest rates
The charging of interest has lost its purpose when it devours, or even exceeds, the profits of production. In the latter case, the productive capacity itself, and therefore the jobs, are destroyed.

Price controls
Wages, salaries, and private income are part of national income. The degree to which it is a part consists on the one hand on the amount of the wages, salaries, and private incomes, on the other ha

Avoiding excessive expenditures
To provide the funds for job creation, the state must exercise the greatest economy, just as in private industry. Party book officials, who do nothing for the general good

Increasing the burden on those with strong shoulders
No one will believe that jobs can be created without sacrifice. But the sacrifices need to create jobs cannot randomly be added to all the other burdens laid on working people. All the sacrifices a

The current situation
As a result of foreign competition, farmers receive prices that may even be under their production costs, and only a fraction of what consumers in the cities pay. A further fundamental cau

Wrong economic policies
Today, we meet only three quarters of our food needs by our own work on our own soil. The missing quarter of our food needs can be met only in part because of the reduction in our purchasing power

Correct economic policies
Our economic policy must ensure that the German people is fed. It is clear that, with the necessary improvements, e.g. land melioration (see section C), we will be able to meet our full food needs.

Approval requirements for new production facilities
As outlined in section B 5, Germany’s industrial capacity is structured not only at the German domestic market, but also on export opportunities that did indeed exist during earlier periods, but to

Nationalization and state supervision
Monopolies that are not dissolved must immediately come under direct state administration, i.e., be nationalized. A monopoly can by run just as well by the state as by private indu

The current situation
The two great economic sins of the System, the theft of German property through inflation and the theft of property through confiscatory taxation in the years following the inflation, have had the

Public contracts
The public contract system is to be reorganized with the fewest regulations possible, and under Point 16 of the party platform should favor small companies in the awarding of public contracts.

The right to employment
The foundation for solving the social question is the realization of the right to employment, which can only happen through our job creation program. Alaw on employment will lay do

Profit sharing
Interest reductions (section G 3), price controls (section H 1), state supervision of corporations (section K 2), the law on employment (section M 1), the tax measures (section H 3), and the cost-s

Labor service
The labor service is not compulsory labor for the unemployed, but rather a way to involve all young German men of a certain age range in work that is important for the whole German economy, and tha

Introduction
Propaganda in cities differs in many ways from that in the countryside. The major reason is the entirely different life style of big-city dwellers. They are politically more sophisticated and have

The Organization of Propaganda
The recognition that only a unified propaganda apparatus has the likelihood of success led the party headquarters and several regional offices (Gauleitungen) to create central propaganda o

The Methods of Propaganda
To carry out propaganda effectively in the cities, it is necessary to understand the proper use of the most important methods of propaganda. It is above all essential that the propaganda warden doe

Propaganda through the spoken word
Propaganda by the spoken word — talking with the individual, study groups, discussion evenings, mass meetings, choruses — usually result from the written word. The two forms of propaganda are insep

Tested Methods of Modern Propaganda
by Helmut von Wilucki The difficult election battle is behind all the parties. The Reichstag election of 1932 was particularly difficult for the NSDAP, since an enormous flood of lies from

The New Year 1940-41
by Joseph Goebbels One of the most significant years in German history ends today. Not only the Reich, but Europe as a whole changed greatly during its course. States, nations, and peoples

December 1943
My German Comrades! The year 1943 is nearing its end. It will never be forgotten by us who fought and worked and lived through it. It was the most difficult year of the war so far, one tha

Our Hitler
Goebbels’ 1938 Speech on Hitler’s 49th Birthday The Führer has probably never had so many happy people gathered about him for his birthday as in this year. All the 75

Bringing a miracle that was no miracle, only the result of tireless work blessed by the hand of the Almighty.
Perhaps it is also a religious act to put his whole life in the service of his people, and to work and act for the happiness of people. It is a religion without empty phrases and dogma, which nonet

Our Hitler
Goebbels’ 1939 Speech on Hitler’s 50th Birthday In an unsettled and confused world, Germany tomorrow celebrates a national holiday in the truest sense of the word. It is a

Our Hitler
Goebbels’ 1940 Speech on Hitler’s Birthday On 3 September last year, two hours after English plutocracy declared war on the German Reich, the British Prime Minister Chambe

Our Hitler
Goebbels’ 1941 Speech on Hitler’s Birthday We Germans do not have sufficient historical distance to evaluate the full scope of the age in which we are living. We are child

Our Hitler
Goebbels’ 1942 Speech on Hitler’s Birthday The film “The Great King” is playing in the movie theaters of the Reich. It treats the hard trials and historic challenges that

Our Hitler
Goebbels’ 1943 Speech on Hitler’s Birthday The German people celebrate the Führer’s birthday this year in a particularly somber manner. This fourth year of the war ha

Our Hitler
Goebbels’ 1944 Speech on Hitler’s 55th Birthday German citizens! Not only fortune, but also reputation is always shifting during a war between great men and natio

Our Hitler
Goebbels’ 1945 Speech on Hitler’s 56th Birthday German citizens! At the moment of the war when — so it seems — all forces of hate and destruction have been gather

The Racial Question and World Propaganda
by Joseph Goebbels The National Socialist revolution is a typical German product. Its scale and historical significance can only be compared with other great events in human history. It wo

By Joseph Goebbels
In the beginning of August, this year, one of the most authoritative English newspapers published a leading article entitled “Two Dictatorships”, in which a naive and misdirected attempt was made t

The Coming Europe
by Joseph Goebbels I welcome the opportunity to speak to you on a number of questions that in my view must be openly discussed if relations between the Reich and the Protectorate are to be

Youth and the War
by Joseph Goebbels This Sunday afternoon, the Youth Film Festival for the winter 1940/41 opens, held in conjunction with the Hitler Youth, the League of German Girls, and the Reich Propaga

Christmas, 1941
by Joseph Goebbels As I speak on Christmas Eve over the radio to the German people, I am the spokesman for the homeland to all our soldiers who are far from home during this war Christmas

Nation, Rise Up, and Let the Storm Break Loose
by Joseph Goebbels Only three weeks ago I stood in this place to read the Führer’s proclamation on the 10th anniversary of the seizure of power, and to speak to you and to the German

The Winter Crisis is Over
by Joseph Goebbels The winter crisis is over. We may at times during the gray preceding months have looked at the situation with a grim expression, but we never resigned ourselves to the b

In the Front Ranks
by Joseph Goebbels A sad and moving occasion brings me back today to the city of my youth. I stand here as the representative of the Führer and of the entire German people to bid fare

Great Days
by Joseph Goebbels We look back on an historic week. Last week in this space, we discussed a certain clique of ignorant and narrow-minded people who have no sense for the great er

The Morals of the Rich
by Joseph Goebbels It easier for the rich to be moral than it is for the poor. Wealth protects the wealthy, but encourages the poor to take action. A rich man, for example, would

Children With Their Hands Chopped Off
by Joseph Goebbels The English are well known throughout the world for their lack of political scruples. They are experts at the art of hiding their misdeeds behind a facade of virtue. The

A Unique Age
by Joseph Goebbels History does not repeat itself. As with everything creative, its imagination and opportunities are inexhaustible. However, it always follows eternally valid laws. Becaus

Missed Opportunities
by Joseph Goebbels In Germany people say that the Führer is always right. Abroad, one says he is always lucky. That is only partly true. The Führer has earned his luck. He makes

Winston Churchill
by Joseph Goebbels “There is only one way to break the resistance of the Boers: the most severe suppression. In other words, we must kill the parents to teach the children respect for us.”

The Veil Falls
by Joseph Goebbels Hundreds of thousands of young German soldiers have been crossing our eastern border and marching through the famed “workers’ and peasants’ paradise.” Had National Socia

Mimicry
by Joseph Goebbels The Jews are masters at fitting in to their surroundings, without in any way changing their nature. They are mimics. They have a natural instinct that senses danger, and

The Door to a New Era
by Joseph Goebbels “I was confused in the past, and could not believe in anything great. But now I have seen it all, and ask that if I remain alive, you accept me as a member of the great

The Matter of the Plague
by Joseph Goebbels German news policy has not had an easy time of it in the past weeks. Vast military operations were being planned about which the enemy had no idea, and of which, of cour

The Clay Giant
by Joseph Goebbels The British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, as is well known, is a close friend of alcohol. His relations to the truth are a bit more strained. He has been on a war fo

Mr. Roosevelt Cross-Examined
by Joseph Goebbels On 28 October, more than a month ago, U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt gave a radio speech that apparently had as its goal plunging the American people into uncertai

A Different World
by Joseph Goebbels It is astonishing, hardly believable, how the state of the world can change entirely within a short time. Modern war speaks its own language, and ideas and principles th

The New Year
by Joseph Goebbels Countless people in the enemy camp will nervously ask themselves what this new year 1942 will bring for them and their people. Will it be stagnation, setbacks or defeat?

An Open Discussion
by Joseph Goebbels The new cuts in food rations that take effect on 6 April will have a big impact in the household of every citizen. It would be foolish and incorrect to ignore it or make

The Paper War
by Joseph Goebbels It is clear that a war of such total extent as the present one requires a huge, wide-ranging organization with many branches. It reaches into all areas of public li

Heroes and Film Heroes
by Joseph Goebbels Nothing is more characteristic of the Jewish-plutocratic view of the world, life and history than its tendency to gradually but inevitably transform all values in a nega

The Air War and the War of Nerves
by Joseph Goebbels The war has reached a stage at which the enemy seems willing to use any means to change the currently unfavorable, even desperate, situation, and to bring about at least

The Tonnage War
by Joseph Goebbels The enemy at the moment is nowhere so threatened as at sea. One no longer hears boasting claims from Churchill and Roosevelt that the danger of German U-boats has been o

The So-Called Russian Soul
by Joseph Goebbels The hard and pitiless battle for Sevastapol, as well as the recent broad offensive operations of the German army, have reopened a lively debate, above all in the neutral

What is at Stake
by Joseph Goebbels There is probably no one in the warring nations who has not, either publicly or privately, thought about what his people, our part of the world, and the world itself wil

The Optics of War
by Joseph Goebbels War, too, has its characteristic face. One sees it many places in the homeland, and everywhere at the front. Certain unmistakable signs clearly point to war. Visitors fr

The European Crisis
by Joseph Goebbels One must understand the Jewish question in order to understand the present state of the war. How else could one explain the following facts: The Axis powers are fighting

The War and the Jews
by Joseph Goebbels The naivete, not to mention ignorance, with which certain European circles see the Jewish Question in the fourth year of this gigantic struggle is astonishing. They cann

Morale as a Decisive Factor in War
by Joseph Goebbels We are in the midst of a decisive period in the war. Using an unprecedented mass of weapons and psychological warfare, the enemy is attempting to capture positions that

The Realities of War
by Joseph Goebbels Mature political judgment requires not only understanding, but also imagination. That is what generally is missing in those who shout their opinions the loudest. They ta

A Classic Example
by Joseph Goebbels It attracted some notice when the author of these lines failed to provide his usual weekly lead article on the Friday following 25 July. Some unfriendly souls even belie

Articles of War for the German People
by Joseph Goebbels These are the articles of war for the German people, who are now engaged in the most fateful battle of their history. Countless of Germany’s best have sacrificed their l

Article 9
The war leadership is doing the best it can. Often it cannot reveal the reasons for its actions without giving valuable information to the enemy. That means that even those of good will often do no

Article 10
The only thing we cannot afford to lose in this war is our freedom, the foundation of our life and our future. Everything else can be replaced, even if only through years of hard work. But a loss o

Article 19
Nothing is more contemptible than to think that one part of the nation wages the war, and another only watches. This is no war of governments or armies, it is a war of peoples. He who stands aside

Article 20
Just as in war there are medals and decorations for those who fulfill their duties with distinction, so, too, there must be warnings and if necessary harsh penalties for those who neglect their war

Article 29
There are people who have little interest in such matters. They are materialists who think only of comfort and pleasure, and who have no sense of their historic responsibilities. One can only hold

Article 30
Remember in all that you do and do not do, in all that you say and do not say, that you are a German! Believe loyally and unshakably in the Führer and in victory. Remember always that you are

A New Year
by Joseph Goebbels 1943 was a year of testing for us. The Reich had the task of defending the economic and military ground that our army had won in past great offensives, and which is the

The Battle of Berlin
by Joseph Goebbels The English press has called the series of terror attacks on the Reich capital, which has been continuing for three months with only occasional pauses, the “Battle of Be

Life Goes On
by Joseph Goebbels To live and work in a frequently bombed city is not something anyone enjoys today. We hardly need mention the tremendous burdens enemy air terror puts on those who suffe

The Background of the Invasion
by Joseph Goebbels The invasion of the European coast by the Western powers is the central military event of the summer. It deserves our first attention in considering the overall war situ

The Question of Revenge
by Joseph Goebbels As our V-1s raced over the English Channel for the first time during the night of 16 June, the English public was struck by paralyzing fear. The British Home Secretary M

The Call of Duty
by Joseph Goebbels The one good aspect to 20 July was that it brought each of us to attention. Suddenly the nation stood before an abyss and peered into its terrifying depth. Everyone real

The Higher Law
by Joseph Goebbels If proof were still needed of the accuracy of our views of the political background of the whole war goal the enemy side is pursuing, it would be given by the most recen

The World Crisis
by Joseph Goebbels We Germans are not the only ones in the sixth year of war. One may assume that the problems the war’s long duration have given us also affect the other combatant nations

The Year 2000
by Joseph Goebbels The three enemy war leaders, American sources report, have agreed at the Yalta Conference to Roosevelt’s proposal for an occupation program that will destroy and extermi

Fighters for the Eternal Reich
by Joseph Goebbels Under the fury of the enemy offensives that have been pressing down on our fronts to the west, east, and south for months, as well as the almost unceasing bombing of our

Resistance at Any Price
by Joseph Goebbels The war has reached a stage at which only the full efforts of the nation and of each individual can save us. The defence of our freedom no longer depends on the army fig

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