The Matter of the Plague - раздел Информатика, Wir fordern,” Der Angriff, Aufsätze aus der Kampfzeit By Joseph Goebbels
German News Policy Has Not Had An Easy Time Of It...
by Joseph Goebbels
German news policy has not had an easy time of it in the past weeks. Vast military operations were being planned about which the enemy had no idea, and of which, of course, he could be given no inkling, so the OKW report [the daily military communique] for a while had to depend on stereotypic phrases such as military actions in the east were following their expected course. Nothing more could be said without running the risk of giving the Soviet military leadership valuable information, thereby endangering the planned operations.
In the interests of the war, German news policy was forced into silence, which naturally led to a certain nervousness on the part of the German people. English and Bolshevist propaganda thought that their hour had come. They could speak, we could not. All the nonsense from London and Moscow over the past weeks would take a long time to discuss. It is also unnecessary to repeat any of it. It is already trash, tossed aside by the fiery storm of earth-shaking military operations whose long-term effects we still cannot entirely foresee. Silence was worth it.
In all their chattering and boasting, the Bolshevists and the English entirely forgot to pay attention. They thought our reluctance to answer their simple and ridiculous lies was the result of weakness, so one day Budjenny and his five armies found themselves in our trap. We won a battle that will go down in history as a classic battle of annihilation. Now all the uproar is on the other side.
We have often seen similar things during the war. They always follow the same plan, and one would assume that our opponents have learned something. There is no evidence that they have. They run into the mousetrap as soon as they smell the cheese, with the result that their premature shouts of victory lead to a moral defeat as well. If only they could shut up and wait! But no, they take their illusionary successes seriously and keep talking big. If we had made even a small percentage of the mistakes they have made, not even a dog would take a piece of food from us. It began with Poland and continues in the Soviet Union. They have always made false predictions. They still have the gall to present themselves to the world as pure and incorruptible fanatics for truth who present things as they are, while we, they claim, abolish freedom of the press, send lie after lie into the world, and lie so much that even we do not know the truth any longer.
It is true that we have made some mistakes during the war. We do not hesitate to admit it. By and large, however, we have told the truth. In contrast to England, we have correctly estimated the military, economic, and psychological strengths of the warring powers. We do not need to be embarrassed when one reminds us of our speeches and articles from 1939 or 1940. Can Mr. Churchill say the same? He missed the bus just before the Norwegian campaign. Then there was the unbreakable Maginot Line, the Ruppel Pass that could be held forever, the island of Crete that England would defend as dearly as its own life, or the Stalin Line, which was to be defended to the last man, but then suddenly never even existed. All swindles and lies!
One ought to be able to assume that English news policy has lost all credibility with neutral nations. To the contrary! Swedish and Swiss newspapers cite its lies every day with general satisfaction, printing our facts only when they can no longer be denied. There are even some unteachable people among us who cannot resist turning secretly and quietly, behind closed doors, to Radio London in order to enrich their political and military knowledge with English swindles. Two recent death sentences and a series of prison terms prove that. What are they doing wrong? Their behavior is not only criminal, it is tremendously stupid. They can hardly seriously maintain that the plutocrats in London are producing expensive German-language programming to keep Herr Bramsig and Frau Knöterich informed about the political and military situation. They openly admit that they are doing it to throw our people into uncertainty and sow dissension between the leadership and the nation. Their news is directed entirely toward this goal, and serves only this purpose. Herr Bramsig and Frau Knöterich volunteer, with no compulsion, to hear such nonsense. Do they gain anything? Hardly! First, they run the risk of ending up in jail as traitors, and secondly, even if that does not happen, they wind up with new worries and sleepless nights, since they have no way to separate right from wrong and truth from falsehood.
The English, for example, estimated our casualties at three million during the weeks we were silent. That naturally was utter nonsense. First, the English are in no position to estimate our losses, and second they do not care to, since they want to cause unrest in the German population through their enormously exaggerated figures. We cannot reply to their lies, since we want to provide only accurate figures, which simply are not available at the moment. We therefore have to restrict ourselves to saying that our losses are at the expected levels, which we can say in good conscience given the facts available to us. The prison-deserving listeners to Radio London run around for three or four weeks with a casualty total of three million, whispering it to others, only to learn one day that although our losses are certainly painful to those directly involved, they are not even 10% of the English figures.
Aside from the criminal nature of such behavior, does it really pay to listen to the English? We have to listen to them for professional reasons. Cross our hearts, we would be delighted if we were free from this unpleasant duty. It is so boring and stupid that it gradually revolts us. Remember, too, that we know how things really stand, and thus can separate truth from swindle, something Herr Bramsig and Frau Knöterich cannot do. No one gives them speeches about the real state of things. If our radio and press are silent, it usually means operations of truly gigantic scope are being prepared. It is the duty of each German to wait with confidence — a confidence, by the way, that is justified by countless historic successes. When Herr Bramsig and Frau Knöterich secretly listen to Radio London, they are being played for fools by our most bitter enemies.
That is not only criminal, it is absolutely unfair. The Führer and his military and political staff are working day and night, and not for themselves, but for the people that means everything to them. Just before the great successes, they often hold their breaths, wondering if everything will work, if things will really turn out as planned, if perhaps somewhere unforeseen problems will surface. Then they are delighted to once again announce a great victory to the people, compensating it for the long period of silence. Our soldiers march day and night through dust and rain, destroying bunkers and fortifications, wading through streams and swimming across raging rivers, having only one thought: to close the pocket at the right time and to seal the enemy within an unbreakable wall.
Meanwhile, Herr Bramsig and Frau Knöterich sit at the radio listening to Mr. Churchill. That is thankless, contemptible, and vile. It lacks even the most basic respect for the work and responsibility of the leadership. I know that when Radio London hears this, they will jump to the defense of Herr Bramsig and Frau Knöterich. They deserve nothing less. The London Jews and plutocrats would like nothing better than such a conversation. They are too dumb and foolish to be worth the trouble. And besides that, we lack both the time and the inclination. We have better things to do. We have no obligation to do them a favor. Our goal is to serve the German people, to help them to win this war, since we know that it is our last, but also our greatest chance. We know well enough the terrible consequences British propaganda had for us in the World War. We do not want to risk that danger a second time. If we had had someone then able to stand up to London’s lies, this war probably would not have been necessary. This time, we have learned our lesson thoroughly and forever more.
Take the following example. The German army does not attack Kiev for weeks, both to save German lives and because the leadership knows that the city will fall into our hands as the result of the great battle of encirclement that finished last Sunday. One naturally can say nothing about such a plan, since the enemy will hear of it and take precautions. While we are making feverish preparations, Britain’s propaganda can spread all the lies it wants without any fear of us contradicting them. They claim our attack has stopped because the plague has broken out in Kiev. Herr Bramsig and Frau Knöterich hear that over English radio and pass the rumor on. A woman or mother whose husband or son is near Kiev worries unnecessarily, and we cannot tell the truth, since we must conceal it in the interests of our soldiers.
Does not such rumor mongering deserve not only prison, but also the contempt of the entire people? We cannot excuse it on grounds of stupidity. We are fighting for our lives. Let us be not only as strong as lions, but as clever as serpents. We must defeat the enemy both through strength and intelligence. If Frau Bramsig and Frau Knöterich do not have enough brains in their heads to see that during a war one may not listen to the enemy, then they must receive exemplary punishment.
That, too, is a requirement of victory.
When or How?
by Joseph Goebbels
Only during the course of this war has it become clear how sick postwar Europe was, and what comprehensive measures it needed, needs, and will need, to return it to health. Just as a harmless cold sometimes allows a series of other illnesses to take hold, an event not of particular significance in itself can plunge a whole region of the world into confusion. Those who do not understand politics, which is the process of history, sometimes believe that the occasion is the cause of great human catastrophes and national transformations. The shot fired in Sarajevo, for example, occasioned the World War, but did not cause it. Europe was ready for such a war, and had been for some years. Only Germany’s leadership did not want to see the danger, and thus found itself in a war that it could have fought more effectively at an earlier time, but instead faced it at the worst possible time. When one knows that a pitiless enemy is seeking the best position from which to shoot, one is well advised to shoot first. An irresponsible national leadership lets things gradually intensify without wanting to see the danger. It gives the call to arms when it is too late.
It is thus understandable that during the course of a great struggle for the existence or death of whole nations, the actual occasion that led to the struggle fades from human thought. In the midst of the gigantic dimensions of the war today, the occasion of its beginning in August 1939 seems almost trivial. The city of Danzig was to return to the Reich, and Germany was to receive a corridor through a corridor. These more than modest requests on Germany’s party were ignored by our enemies. Indeed, they were used as a pretext for war, with the consequences spreading like an earthquake across the continent. All the old or partially solved problems of Europe broke loose once again. Consider the questions facing Europe at the time. The Treaty of Versailles held our region in its chains, a socialist Germany with a growing population compressed into too small a space was being strangled by dying plutocracies, the young Axis powers were denied access to the riches and raw materials of the world and condemned to a slow decline ending in national death, England with the help of its obedient servants, was using any available opportunity to throw the continent into uproar and confusion, 170 million people in the Soviet Union were condemned to a wretched existence while Bolshevism was building an army that could fall upon the continent in a time of crisis, with the firm intention of bringing about barbaric national revolutions that would destroy economic, social, cultural, and community life.
These problems must all be resolved by this war, whether we like it or not. We must follow the laws in effect from its beginning. None of us has a way out any longer. We cannot postpone or delay anything. Each individual campaign of the war is necessary on its own. Were we not to fight them today, we would have to do so tomorrow, probably under much less favorable conditions. No one should imagine that Europe’s problems would have been solved had Poland given up Danzig and allowed a corridor, or if England and France had accepted the Führer’s offer of peace at the end of the Polish campaign. Does anyone believe that England would have gone to sleep or that the Soviet Union would have concluded that it had built its revolutionary army only as a toy? No, war would have returned in a few years, with the difference that the enemy would have learned the military lessons of the Polish campaign and improved its weapons to a degree that might have been beyond our capacities to handle.
Fate treats us in a hard and pitiless way, but it intends our good. It forces us to make decisions that we might not make if our enemies seemed agreeable, which doubtless would mean a deadly threat later on. The basic problems of our region have become clear, and their solution can no longer be delayed. It is more than a solution to various territorial difficulties; it is a matter of everything. That explains the war’s dimensions. There are connections between the various theaters of this war which sooner or later would have led to war, whatever the circumstances. In the midst of all the spiritual and physical burdens of this war, indeed of any war, we cannot forget that. The important question is not when the war will end, but rather how it will end. If we win, all is resolved: raw materials, food supplies, living space, the foundations of the social transformation of our state, and the national independence of the Axis powers. If we lose it, all that and much more will be lost: our whole national life itself.
That national life is exactly what our opponents question. They may differ in their ideas of how the Reich and its allies might be most efficiently and permanently destroyed. One calls for the dissolution of our military and economic unity, another for dividing us into smaller states, a third for birth control and the reduction of our population to 10 million, a fourth for the sterilization of every one of us under the age of sixty. But they all agree on one thing: in the firm resolve that if they once again defeat Germany, we must this time be crushed, destroyed, exterminated and wiped out. This time we cannot expect another Treaty of Versailles that would leave even the slightest chance of national recovery. The more hopeless the military situation looks for the other side, the more bloodthirsty their Old Testament fantasies of revenge become. Their slogans may sound seductive to the ears of the ignorant, but behind their humanitarian hypocritical phrases is a naked desire for destruction. The Axis powers are fighting for their very existence. The troubles and difficulties the war brings us all pale before the inferno that awaits us if we lose.
There is no point in concealing the truth. Clarity is never a cause of weakness, always a cause of strength. If a great national prophet had told the German people in 1917 everything that would happen to them after the capitulation of November 1918, we probably would have won the war instead of losing our breath in the last quarter of an hour. A political genius of the magnitude of Adolf Hitler was necessary to repair the damage done in November 1918 through a 20-year battle. Even then, his efforts often hung by a thread. There will be no second chance. The chance we have today is our greatest. It is also our last. We must every day be clear about that. The solder must realize that as he goes into battle, the worker as he goes to work, the farmer, when he harvests the nation’s daily bread, the engineer, the scientist, the civil servant, the doctor, the artist, wherever they may serve the nation. It must be our prayer every morning and every evening. It must be the motivating force of all we are and do.
We can win, and we will win. It will require a gigantic national effort by the whole people. No one can stand aside, it involves us all. Just as winning the war will benefit us all, losing it will destroy us all. As always at the decisive moments in our history, our people holds its fate in its own hand. We are the blacksmiths of our future, more today than ever before. We must show the other nations the way to end the general European confusion. Can we blame fate for giving us a last hard challenge before the last great triumph? Did anyone believe that our historic mission of reordering the continent would fall into our laps, without much exertion on our part? History gives no gifts, only opportunities. He who does not reach for and hold them loses everything.
That is how things are, and we must accept them as they are. We know all too well the great sacrifices the war demands from nearly everyone. But are not the sacrifices of the defeated nations much greater than ours, even if they are no longer in the war? Although we are bearing the heaviest burdens of the war, we still have the highest living standard of any European nation. We must accept limitations in every area of life, but nowhere are they unbearable. We must work as never before. The battle for the destiny of our people demands the whole of our devotion, energy and readiness. However difficult it may be, however, one needs only to look around to find someone for whom things are even more difficult. The war is hardly just a matter for soldiers, it is a hard, bitter, and bloody necessity for the entire nation. We did not want this war, despite our constricted and almost hopeless situation back then; it was forced upon us. But now we are at war. The worst is behind us. Now it is the duty of every last man and woman in the country to be filled with a firm and resolute conviction that this war must be fought to a conclusion such that it need not be repeated. We owe that to ourselves and to our posterity.
Let us then work and fight until victory is ours! Do everything that will lead to victory and avoid everything that stands in its way. Do not ask when it will come, but rather do everything to be sure that it will come. The day will come when fate gives our nation and those who fought for it the laurel wreath of victory. Then the deep lines on the face of our people will shine with the blessing of the century.
The Jews are Guilty!
by Joseph Goebbels
The historic responsibility of world Jewry for the outbreak and widening of this war has been proven so clearly that it does not need to be talked about any further. The Jews wanted war, and now they have it. But the Führer’s prophecy of 30 January 1939 to the German Reichstag is also being fulfilled: If international finance Jewry should succeed in plunging the world into war once again, the result will be not the Bolshevization of the world and thereby the victory of the Jews, but rather the destruction of the Jewish race in Europe.
We are seeing the fulfillment of the prophecy. The Jews are receiving a penalty that is certainly hard, but more than deserved. World Jewry erred in adding up the forces available to it for this war, and now is gradually experiencing the destructon that it planned for us, and would have carried out without a second thought if it had possessed the ability. It is perishing according its own law: “An eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth.”
Every Jew is our enemy in this historic struggle, regardless of whether he vegetates in a Polish ghetto or carries on his parasitic existence in Berlin or Hamburg or blows the trumpets of war in New York or Washington. All Jews by virtue of their birth and their race are part of an international conspiracy against National Socialist Germany. They want its defeat and annihilation, and do all in their power to bring it about. That they can do nothing inside the Reich is hardly a sign of their loyalty, but rather of the appropriate measures we took against them.
One of these measures is the institution of the yellow star that each Jew must wear. We wanted to make them visible as Jews, particularly if they made even the least attempt to harm the German community. It is a remarkably humane measure on our part, a hygienic and prophylactic measure to be sure that the Jew cannot infiltrate our ranks unseen to sow discord.
As the Jews first appeared several weeks ago on the streets of Berlin graced with their Jewish star, the initial reaction of the citizens of the Reich capital was surprise. Only a few knew that there were still so many Jews in Berlin. Everyone suddenly found someone in the neighborhood who seemed like a harmless fellow citizen, who perhaps complained or criticized a bit more than normal, and whom no one had thought to be a Jew. He had concealed himself, mimicked his surroundings, adopting the color of the background, adjusted to the environment, in order to wait for the proper moment. Who among us had any idea that the enemy was beside him, that a silent or clever auditor was attending to conversations on the street, in the subway, or in the lines outside cigarette shops? There are Jews one cannot recognize by external signs. These are the most dangerous. It always happens that when we take some measure against the Jews, English or American newspapers report it the next day. Even today the Jews still have secret connections to our enemies abroad and use these not only in their own cause, but in all military matters of the Reich as well. The enemy is in our midst. What makes more sense than to at least make this plainly visible to our citizens?
In the first days after the introduction of the Jewish star, newspaper sales in Berlin went through the roof. Each Jew on the street bought a newspaper to conceal his mark of Cain. As this was banned, one began to see Jews on the streets of the west side of Berlin in the company of non-Jewish foreigners. These Jewish lackeys actually should wear the Jewish star themselves. The excuse they give for their provocative conduct is always the same: the Jews are after all human beings too. We never denied that, just as we never denied the humanity of murders, child rapists, thieves and pimps, though we never felt the need to parade down the Kurfürstendamm with them! Every Jew is a decent Jew who has found a dumb and ignorant goy who thinks him decent! As if that were a reason to give Jews a kind of honorable escort. What nonsense.
The Jews gradually are having to depend more and more on themselves, and have recently found a new trick. They knew the good-natured German Michael in us, always ready to shed sentimental tears for the injustice done to them. One suddenly has the impression that the Berlin Jewish population consists only of little babies whose childish helplessness might move us, or else fragile old ladies. The Jews send out the pitiable. They may confuse some harmless souls for a while, but not us. We know exactly what the situation is.
For their sake alone we must win the war. If we lose it, these harmless-looking Jewish chaps would suddenly become raging wolves. They would attack our women and children to carry out revenge. There are enough examples in history. That is what they did in Bessarabia and the Baltic states when Bolshevism marched in, even though neither the people nor their governments had done anything to them. There is no turning back in our battle against the Jews — even if we wanted to, which we do not. The Jews must be removed from the German community, for they endanger our national unity.
That is an elementary principle of racial, national, and social hygiene. They will never give us rest. If they could, they would drive one nation after another into war against us. Who cares about their difficulties, they who only want to force the world to accept their bloody financial domination? The Jews are a parasitic race that feeds like a foul fungus on the cultures of healthy but ignorant peoples. There is only one effective measure: cut them out.
How stupid and thoughtless are the arguments of the backward friends of the Jews in the face of a problem that has occupied mankind for millennia! How they would gape if they could ever see their dear Jews in power! But that would be too late.That is why it is the duty of a national leadership to take all necessary measures to keep such a thing from happening. There are differences between people just as there are differences between animals. Some people are good, others bad. The same is true of animals. The fact that the Jew still lives among us is no proof that he belongs among us, just as a flea is not a household pet simply because it lives in a house. When Mr. Bramsig or Mrs. Knöterich feel pity for an old woman wearing the Jewish star, they should also remember that a distant nephew of this old woman by the name of Nathan Kaufmann sits in New York and has prepared a plan by which all Germans under the age of 60 will be sterilized. They should recall that a son of her distant uncle is a warmonger named Baruch or Morgenthau or Untermayer who stands behind Mr. Roosevelt, driving him to war, and that if they succeed, a fine but ignorant U.S. soldier may one day shoot dead the only son of Mr. Bramsig or Mrs. Knöterich. It will all be for the benefit of Jewry, to which this old woman also belongs, no matter how fragile and pitiable she may seem.
If we Germans have a fateful flaw in our national character, it is forgetfulness. This failing speaks well of our human decency and generosity, but not always for our political wisdom or intelligence. We think everyone else as is good natured as we are. The French threatened to dismember the Reich during the winter of 1939/40, saying that we and our families would have to stand in lines before their field kitchens to get something warm to eat. Our army defeated France in six weeks, after which we saw German soldiers giving bread and sausages to hungry French women and children, and gasoline to refugees from Paris to enable them to return home as soon as possible, there to spread at least some of their hatred against the Reich.
That’s how we Germans are. Our national virtue is our national weakness. We do not want to change all that much, and as long as our world-famed good nature does no great harm, why should we? Klopstock gave us some good advice, however: don’t be too good natured, since our enemies are not noble enough to overlook our mistakes.
If this advice applies anywhere, it apples to our relations with the Jews. Carelessness here is not only a weakness, it is disregard of duty and a crime against the security of the state. The Jews long for one thing: to reward our foolishness with bloodshed and terror. It must never come to that. One of the most effective defenses is an unforgiving, cold hardness against the destroyers of our people, against the instigators of the war, against those who would benefit if we lose, and therefore also against the victims, if we win.
Therefore, we must say again and yet again:
1. The Jews are our destruction. They started this war and direct it. They want to destroy the German Reich and our people. This plan must be blocked.
2. There are no distinctions between Jews. Each Jew is a sworn enemy of the German people. If he does not make his hostility plain, it is only from cowardice and slyness, not because he loves us.
3. The Jews are to blame for each German soldier who falls in this war. They have him on their conscience, and must also pay for it.
4. If someone wears the Jewish star, he is an enemy of the people. Anyone who deals with him is the same as a Jew and must be treated accordingly. He earns the contempt of the entire people, for he is a craven coward who leaves them in the lurch to stand by the enemy.
5. The Jews enjoy the protection of our enemies. That is all the proof we need to show how harmful they are for our people.
6. The Jews are the enemy’s agents among us. He who stands by them aids the enemy.
7. The Jews have no right to claim equality with us. If they wish to speak on the streets, in lines outside shops or in public transportation, they should be ignored, not only because their are simply wrong, but because they are Jews who have no right to a voice in the community.
8. If the Jews appeal to your sentimentality, realize that they are hoping for your forgetfulness, and let them know that you see through them and hold them in contempt.
9. A decent enemy will deserve our generosity after we have won. The Jew however is not a decent enemy, though he tries to seem so.
10. The Jews are responsible for the war. The treatment they receive from us is hardly unjust. They have deserved it all.
It is the job of the government to deal with them. No one has the right to act on his own, but each has the duty to support the state’s measures against the Jews, to defend them with others, and to avoid being misled by any Jewish tricks.
The security of the state requires that of us all.
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Those Damned Nazis
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My fellow citizens:
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My dear fellow party members!
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The Great Illusion of the Last Emergency Decree
Why does Brüning attack the NSDAP, but not Communism?
Mr. Reich Chancellor!
I read the following sentences in your commentary on the Fourth
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But that would mean millions, the overwhelming majority of our people.
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The System,
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I along with all of my leaders and party members agree fully with this policy, with the exception of those
intentional provocateurs sent to infiltrate the party.
However, I am not responsible for them, but rather those high officials who sent them.
The imposition of martial law
against all who attempt to resist constitutional authorities in the hour of the greatest test of nerves.”
Mr. Reich Chancellor! The charge of illusions does not apply to the national oppos
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The hope one put in the Locarno agreement was a
The emergency decrees from which you expected so much, Mr. Reich Chancellor, have also proven to be illusions.
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Adolf Hitler
The source: Heinz Franke, Die Journaille lügt! (Munich: Eher Verlag, 1932).
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by Hei
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The sensationalist newspapers lie when they say:The Nazis are capitalist hirelings, the paid soldiers of capitalism.
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And the S.P.D.
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German workers
That is what the same party hacks say now, but in their election proclamation of 19 July 1930 they wrote:
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None of us wishes for a war.
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The sensationalist newspapers lie when they say:National Socialism means civil war!
With complete lack of shame, the Red scribblers lie in saying that the Nazis planned a
Units will be secretly transported, concealed in the trucks, so that each will seem to be innocent freight.
8. The principle is to hold or fight for political power! To form a front against the Nazis and the Right. Any means is in order: Up to a death blow.”
And these lying sens
And the S.P.D.
Why does the SPD slanderthe Nazis as “warmongers”?
In order to divert the masses from the undeniable fact that it was the Red leaders who betrayed the German army and dest
Young Plan
As the National Socialists attempted to save the German people from the disastrous Young Plan through a referendum, the Red sensationalist newspapers cried and shouted that the Nazis were promoting
Capital Flight
After the National Socialist election victory of 14 September 1930, the Social Democratic party hacks began to tolerate the bourgeois Brüning cabinet that they had previously opposed. They att
Inflation
As the old lies were no longer believable, the Red bigwig society found a new lie in fall 1931, the lie that the Nazis wanted inflation. With astounding insolence, the same elements responsible for
Mass brochures free of charge.
Among them were the Scheidemann pamphlet Heads in the Sand? and the Löbe pamphlet The Dragon of Marxism — each with a million free copies distributed. The NSDAP
The sensationalist newspapers lie
from principle, in order to divert attention from the treason and crimes of the Red bankrupts.
Lie as much as you want!
The German worker does not believe you any longer. He turns
The Hindenburg Election of 1925
The first round of the Reich presidential election of 29 March 1925 had these results:
Votes
Dr. Karl Jarres, Middle Class coalition
Center Party 1925
In the Reich presidential election of 1925, the Center Party competed with the Jewish Democrats and Social Democrats in inventing slanders against that same general field marshal.
The Cent
Center Party 1932
The Center Party paper Germania published an articled titled “Hindenburg’s Candidacy: The National Goal is to Unite the People in a Battle for its Existence” on 16 F
The Center Party and the SPD on their presidential candidate
During the Reich presidential election, the Volksfreund (24 April 1925) and the Badische Beobacher (25 April 1925) published the following caricature of Hindenburg:
Field Marshal von Hindenburg.
Those who have been, or might be proposed as counter candidates, in view of the situation, cannot be an affirmation, but rather the negation of the German will for unity
Vossische Zeitung
9 April 1925
“...The catastrophic impression that Hindenburg’s candidacy has had in America is becoming clearer and clearer; ... German-Swiss concerns ... A happy day for Poinc&aac
Berliner Morgenpost
10 April 1925
“All of Germany’s enemies rejoice, all of its friends are dismayed.”
15 April 1925
“...If Hindenburg comes before the nation with the claim
The Democrats in 1932
The Vossische Zeitung wrote in issue #77 of 15 February 1932:
“The mass meeting at which Hindenburg accepted the nomination to run for a second term of office is a truly historic mo
Social Democrats in 1925
The Social Democrats surpassed everyone in this noble battle in throwing filth at the venerable field marshal of the World War. Vorwärts thundered and raged about the presumption of a g
Social Democrats 1932
Now this same Social Democracy is saying that it is “a particularly vile trick “ that the Nazis are not voting for Hindenburg. Today, the Social Democratic party h
Foreign Policy Failures
The policies of the Black-Red System parties have thrown the German people into the deepest hole that a people has ever been in.
The revolt of 9 November 1918 took the weapons away from th
Domestic Failures
The System parties failed utterly in foreign policy, but their bankruptcy in domestic policy was even greater.
Not a single one of the promises that the Red party hacks fed the masses over
The Great Illusion
The field marshal has accepted candidacy from the men who, seven years ago, attacked him in the most hateful ways, and is ready to run on behalf of those who opposed him in 1925. Hindenburg accepte
These three national states (as opposed to a Bolshevist state) together have about 8 million soldiers equipped with the best modern weapons.
Does anyone in the world believe that these three national states would or could tolerate a Bolshevist stronghold between them? A Bolshevist stronghold that would over time spread to France
A National Socialist Germany.
The system has not, and cannot, see the danger. It is necessarily the pathfinder for Bolshevism.
Therefore, a responsible German today cannot vote for Field Marshal von Hi
Facts and Lies about Hitler
The Führer as a Person
Two men stand at the fore in the battle for power in Germany, and behind each two mighty columns of the German people march. One man is the 85-
Building the foundations for its ability to survive.
Hitler is convinced that freedom for the German people and its appropriate position among the peoples can be gained through entirely peaceful methods. The prerequisite is the firm
A Selection of Lies about Hitler
Nothing better demonstrates the great hatred the parties responsible for Germany’s misery have for Hitler than a selection of the lies that they spread about him. And nothing speaks more for Hitler
Answers to the Most Common Lies
Hitler Betrayed South Tyrol!
Besides a court verdict, a South Tyrolean answered this one.Count Fedrigotti, a leader of the South Tyrol Home Federation, and Member
Answers to Frequent Questions
Why the Name “National Socialists”?
Hitler says:
“You cannot be a true nationalist without also being a socialist; you others cannot be true socialists wi
Adolf Hitler
was born on 20 April 1889 in Brannau am Inn, a formerly Bavarian town.
His father had worked himself up from the orphaned son of a poor farmer to a custom
Hitler decided to become a politician.
In 1919, he joined a small group of 6 men, and transformed it into the National Socialist German Workers Party. He outlined the goals of the new movement in broad detail, laying ou
The insanity of Versailles,
refuting strongly claims by the Marxists, the Center Party, etc., that its terms could be fulfilled. He also attacked the slogan these parties used that if Germany “disarmed, so would the others.”
His first jail term
for disrupting opponents’ meetings, receiving constant fines, but does not give up his battle against the System even for a moment.
During summer 1923, Hitler begi
On 27 February 1925, Adolf Hitler calls a meeting to reestablish the party, and speaks for the first time since his release to over 4,000 people.
Since the National Socialist movement was dissolved after 9 November 1923, and its assets and property seized, Hitler begins to build the party again, without any resources. Vorwärt
Emergency Economic Program of the NSDAP
Fighting Pamphlet Nr. 16: Pamphlet Series of the Reichspropaganda-Leitung of the NSDAP
Produced by Section IV (Economics) of the Reichsorganisationsleitung der NSDAP. 2nd edition (101,000
I. The National Socialist Job Creation Program
A. The reasons for creating jobs
Unemployment causes poverty, employment creates prosperity. Capital does
II. General Economic Measures
F. Commercial and financial measures
Foreign trade Foreign currency supplies Law against capital flight Currency reform G. Bank and credi
Unemployment benefits burden the economy, but job creation stimulates the economy.
Tolerating unemployment means:
With less labor, less is produced, and therefore less can be consumed. The result:hunger, poverty, and wage cuts. The fewer
Working people cannot be satisfied with meager unemployment benefits. Working people demand the right to a job.
Tolerating unemployment means a brutal deprivation of rights for the productive people’s comrade. He is robbed of his freedom to earn his living by his own efforts. He is robbed of the ability to s
We have the productive capacity for more jobs.
The stupidest objection to job creation is the claim that we lack the productive capacity. We have the land to produce more food (see section C). We have the mines to produce more coal and ore. We
We have markets for increased jobs.
Markets for German production must exist as long as the needs of the last German people’s comrade are not met. Today, 6 million people’s comrades are unemployed. T
These markets are available only domestically.
If the German economy is to meet its real task — meeting the needs of the German people — there are vast opportunities that are not today being met. Previous economic policy has aimed above
The focus on domestic markets must lead to the social liberation of the German worker.
Refocusing the German economy on the domestic market can succeed only if the masses of the people have sufficient purchasing strength to absorb the increased production. That, in turn, can happen o
What needs to be done.
The following steps must be taken to refocus the German economy on the domestic market:
Promoting the fertility of German soil by land reclamation (see Section C).
Only the state can accomplish these tasks.
The burden on public finance caused by unemployment today hinders any attempt to promote new jobs and production facilities, that is, any growth in private industry. Economic prosperity wil
The private home as dwelling
Along with food and clothing, housing is one of the necessities of life. The majority of those who live in big cities today do not live in decent apartments, but rather in terrible confined quarter
The private home as a productive space
Each private home should have a yard of about 1/4 hectare. That will allow a worker to raise a significant part of the food he needs from his own land. His life thereby becomes more secure, and he
Building settlements of individual homes
Each worker willing and able to buy a single-family house will receive a 40% subvention from the government. If he has a job, he can borrow the rest from a state bank, which will guarantee favorabl
Financing public job creation
As new jobs are created, unemployment and welfare payments will decline and tax revenues and social security contributions will increase. These savings and increases will cover at least 50% of tota
Financing production
The National Socialist job creation program will increase the prosperity and purchasing power of the people. More will be purchased, and the economy will sell more, and orders will increase. Since
Guidelines for our trade policy
Our foreign trade policy must be guided by the following guidelines:
The reparations policies of post-war governments have made Germany one of the poorest civilized
Foreign currency supplies
The bourgeois-liberal and Marxist governments of the post-war period have burdened the German people with foreign debts that are currently about 22 billion marks. These private deb
Law against capital flight
National Socialism demands that everything possible be done to make capital that has been transferred abroad useful again for the German economy.
In order to make the burdens
Currency Reform
For years, National Socialism has called for Germany to give up the gold standard:
The Reich Bank’s gold and foreign currency reserves are constantl
Bank supervision
The problems with today’s private banking system are clear. Bank presidents receive hundreds of thousands in pay for their supposed vastly important work; each mem
The money transfer system
Germany is behind in the cashless transfer of money. In England checks have become widely accepted. In America, children learn how to fill out a check in school. W
Reducing interest rates
The charging of interest has lost its purpose when it devours, or even exceeds, the profits of production. In the latter case, the productive capacity itself, and therefore the jobs, are destroyed.
Price controls
Wages, salaries, and private income are part of national income. The degree to which it is a part consists on the one hand on the amount of the wages, salaries, and private incomes, on the other ha
Avoiding excessive expenditures
To provide the funds for job creation, the state must exercise the greatest economy, just as in private industry.
Party book officials, who do nothing for the general good
Increasing the burden on those with strong shoulders
No one will believe that jobs can be created without sacrifice. But the sacrifices need to create jobs cannot randomly be added to all the other burdens laid on working people. All the sacrifices a
The current situation
As a result of foreign competition, farmers receive prices that may even be under their production costs, and only a fraction of what consumers in the cities pay.
A further fundamental cau
Wrong economic policies
Today, we meet only three quarters of our food needs by our own work on our own soil. The missing quarter of our food needs can be met only in part because of the reduction in our purchasing power
Correct economic policies
Our economic policy must ensure that the German people is fed. It is clear that, with the necessary improvements, e.g. land melioration (see section C), we will be able to meet our full food needs.
Approval requirements for new production facilities
As outlined in section B 5, Germany’s industrial capacity is structured not only at the German domestic market, but also on export opportunities that did indeed exist during earlier periods, but to
Nationalization and state supervision
Monopolies that are not dissolved must immediately come under direct state administration, i.e., be nationalized. A monopoly can by run just as well by the state as by private indu
The current situation
The two great economic sins of the System, the theft of German property through inflation and the theft of property through confiscatory taxation in the years following the inflation, have had the
Public contracts
The public contract system is to be reorganized with the fewest regulations possible, and under Point 16 of the party platform should favor small companies in the awarding of public contracts.
The right to employment
The foundation for solving the social question is the realization of the right to employment, which can only happen through our job creation program. Alaw on employment will lay do
Profit sharing
Interest reductions (section G 3), price controls (section H 1), state supervision of corporations (section K 2), the law on employment (section M 1), the tax measures (section H 3), and the cost-s
Labor service
The labor service is not compulsory labor for the unemployed, but rather a way to involve all young German men of a certain age range in work that is important for the whole German economy, and tha
Introduction
Propaganda in cities differs in many ways from that in the countryside. The major reason is the entirely different life style of big-city dwellers. They are politically more sophisticated and have
The Organization of Propaganda
The recognition that only a unified propaganda apparatus has the likelihood of success led the party headquarters and several regional offices (Gauleitungen) to create central propaganda o
The Methods of Propaganda
To carry out propaganda effectively in the cities, it is necessary to understand the proper use of the most important methods of propaganda. It is above all essential that the propaganda warden doe
Propaganda through the spoken word
Propaganda by the spoken word — talking with the individual, study groups, discussion evenings, mass meetings, choruses — usually result from the written word. The two forms of propaganda are insep
Tested Methods of Modern Propaganda
by Helmut von Wilucki
The difficult election battle is behind all the parties. The Reichstag election of 1932 was particularly difficult for the NSDAP, since an enormous flood of lies from
The New Year 1940-41
by Joseph Goebbels
One of the most significant years in German history ends today. Not only the Reich, but Europe as a whole changed greatly during its course. States, nations, and peoples
December 1943
My German Comrades!
The year 1943 is nearing its end. It will never be forgotten by us who fought and worked and lived through it. It was the most difficult year of the war so far, one tha
Our Hitler
Goebbels’ 1938 Speech on Hitler’s 49th Birthday
The Führer has probably never had so many happy people gathered about him for his birthday as in this year. All the 75
Bringing a miracle that was no miracle, only the result of tireless work blessed by the hand of the Almighty.
Perhaps it is also a religious act to put his whole life in the service of his people, and to work and act for the happiness of people. It is a religion without empty phrases and dogma, which nonet
Our Hitler
Goebbels’ 1939 Speech on Hitler’s 50th Birthday
In an unsettled and confused world, Germany tomorrow celebrates a national holiday in the truest sense of the word. It is a
Our Hitler
Goebbels’ 1940 Speech on Hitler’s Birthday
On 3 September last year, two hours after English plutocracy declared war on the German Reich, the British Prime Minister Chambe
Our Hitler
Goebbels’ 1941 Speech on Hitler’s Birthday
We Germans do not have sufficient historical distance to evaluate the full scope of the age in which we are living. We are child
Our Hitler
Goebbels’ 1942 Speech on Hitler’s Birthday
The film “The Great King” is playing in the movie theaters of the Reich. It treats the hard trials and historic challenges that
Our Hitler
Goebbels’ 1943 Speech on Hitler’s Birthday
The German people celebrate the Führer’s birthday this year in a particularly somber manner. This fourth year of the war ha
Our Hitler
Goebbels’ 1944 Speech on Hitler’s 55th Birthday
German citizens!
Not only fortune, but also reputation is always shifting during a war between great men and natio
Our Hitler
Goebbels’ 1945 Speech on Hitler’s 56th Birthday
German citizens!
At the moment of the war when — so it seems — all forces of hate and destruction have been gather
The Racial Question and World Propaganda
by Joseph Goebbels
The National Socialist revolution is a typical German product. Its scale and historical significance can only be compared with other great events in human history. It wo
By Joseph Goebbels
In the beginning of August, this year, one of the most authoritative English newspapers published a leading article entitled “Two Dictatorships”, in which a naive and misdirected attempt was made t
The Coming Europe
by Joseph Goebbels
I welcome the opportunity to speak to you on a number of questions that in my view must be openly discussed if relations between the Reich and the Protectorate are to be
Youth and the War
by Joseph Goebbels
This Sunday afternoon, the Youth Film Festival for the winter 1940/41 opens, held in conjunction with the Hitler Youth, the League of German Girls, and the Reich Propaga
Christmas, 1941
by Joseph Goebbels
As I speak on Christmas Eve over the radio to the German people, I am the spokesman for the homeland to all our soldiers who are far from home during this war Christmas
Nation, Rise Up, and Let the Storm Break Loose
by Joseph Goebbels
Only three weeks ago I stood in this place to read the Führer’s proclamation on the 10th anniversary of the seizure of power, and to speak to you and to the German
The Winter Crisis is Over
by Joseph Goebbels
The winter crisis is over. We may at times during the gray preceding months have looked at the situation with a grim expression, but we never resigned ourselves to the b
In the Front Ranks
by Joseph Goebbels
A sad and moving occasion brings me back today to the city of my youth. I stand here as the representative of the Führer and of the entire German people to bid fare
Immortal German Culture
by Joseph Goebbels
Were one to imagine Western culture without its contributions from Germany and Italy, much would be missing. As obvious as this may be, one has to repeat it now and agai
Great Days
by Joseph Goebbels
We look back on an historic week.
Last week in this space, we discussed a certain clique of ignorant and narrow-minded people who have no sense for the great er
The Morals of the Rich
by Joseph Goebbels
It easier for the rich to be moral than it is for the poor. Wealth protects the wealthy, but encourages the poor to take action.
A rich man, for example, would
Children With Their Hands Chopped Off
by Joseph Goebbels
The English are well known throughout the world for their lack of political scruples. They are experts at the art of hiding their misdeeds behind a facade of virtue. The
A Unique Age
by Joseph Goebbels
History does not repeat itself. As with everything creative, its imagination and opportunities are inexhaustible. However, it always follows eternally valid laws. Becaus
Missed Opportunities
by Joseph Goebbels
In Germany people say that the Führer is always right. Abroad, one says he is always lucky. That is only partly true. The Führer has earned his luck. He makes
Winston Churchill
by Joseph Goebbels
“There is only one way to break the resistance of the Boers: the most severe suppression. In other words, we must kill the parents to teach the children respect for us.”
The Veil Falls
by Joseph Goebbels
Hundreds of thousands of young German soldiers have been crossing our eastern border and marching through the famed “workers’ and peasants’ paradise.” Had National Socia
Mimicry
by Joseph Goebbels
The Jews are masters at fitting in to their surroundings, without in any way changing their nature. They are mimics. They have a natural instinct that senses danger, and
The Door to a New Era
by Joseph Goebbels
“I was confused in the past, and could not believe in anything great. But now I have seen it all, and ask that if I remain alive, you accept me as a member of the great
The Clay Giant
by Joseph Goebbels
The British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, as is well known, is a close friend of alcohol. His relations to the truth are a bit more strained. He has been on a war fo
Mr. Roosevelt Cross-Examined
by Joseph Goebbels
On 28 October, more than a month ago, U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt gave a radio speech that apparently had as its goal plunging the American people into uncertai
A Different World
by Joseph Goebbels
It is astonishing, hardly believable, how the state of the world can change entirely within a short time. Modern war speaks its own language, and ideas and principles th
The New Year
by Joseph Goebbels
Countless people in the enemy camp will nervously ask themselves what this new year 1942 will bring for them and their people. Will it be stagnation, setbacks or defeat?
An Open Discussion
by Joseph Goebbels
The new cuts in food rations that take effect on 6 April will have a big impact in the household of every citizen. It would be foolish and incorrect to ignore it or make
The Paper War
by Joseph Goebbels
It is clear that a war of such total extent as the present one requires a huge, wide-ranging organization with many branches. It reaches into all areas of public li
Heroes and Film Heroes
by Joseph Goebbels
Nothing is more characteristic of the Jewish-plutocratic view of the world, life and history than its tendency to gradually but inevitably transform all values in a nega
The Air War and the War of Nerves
by Joseph Goebbels
The war has reached a stage at which the enemy seems willing to use any means to change the currently unfavorable, even desperate, situation, and to bring about at least
The Tonnage War
by Joseph Goebbels
The enemy at the moment is nowhere so threatened as at sea. One no longer hears boasting claims from Churchill and Roosevelt that the danger of German U-boats has been o
The So-Called Russian Soul
by Joseph Goebbels
The hard and pitiless battle for Sevastapol, as well as the recent broad offensive operations of the German army, have reopened a lively debate, above all in the neutral
What is at Stake
by Joseph Goebbels
There is probably no one in the warring nations who has not, either publicly or privately, thought about what his people, our part of the world, and the world itself wil
The Optics of War
by Joseph Goebbels
War, too, has its characteristic face. One sees it many places in the homeland, and everywhere at the front. Certain unmistakable signs clearly point to war. Visitors fr
The European Crisis
by Joseph Goebbels
One must understand the Jewish question in order to understand the present state of the war. How else could one explain the following facts: The Axis powers are fighting
The War and the Jews
by Joseph Goebbels
The naivete, not to mention ignorance, with which certain European circles see the Jewish Question in the fourth year of this gigantic struggle is astonishing. They cann
Morale as a Decisive Factor in War
by Joseph Goebbels
We are in the midst of a decisive period in the war. Using an unprecedented mass of weapons and psychological warfare, the enemy is attempting to capture positions that
The Realities of War
by Joseph Goebbels
Mature political judgment requires not only understanding, but also imagination. That is what generally is missing in those who shout their opinions the loudest. They ta
A Classic Example
by Joseph Goebbels
It attracted some notice when the author of these lines failed to provide his usual weekly lead article on the Friday following 25 July. Some unfriendly souls even belie
Articles of War for the German People
by Joseph Goebbels
These are the articles of war for the German people, who are now engaged in the most fateful battle of their history. Countless of Germany’s best have sacrificed their l
Article 9
The war leadership is doing the best it can. Often it cannot reveal the reasons for its actions without giving valuable information to the enemy. That means that even those of good will often do no
Article 10
The only thing we cannot afford to lose in this war is our freedom, the foundation of our life and our future. Everything else can be replaced, even if only through years of hard work. But a loss o
Article 19
Nothing is more contemptible than to think that one part of the nation wages the war, and another only watches. This is no war of governments or armies, it is a war of peoples. He who stands aside
Article 20
Just as in war there are medals and decorations for those who fulfill their duties with distinction, so, too, there must be warnings and if necessary harsh penalties for those who neglect their war
Article 29
There are people who have little interest in such matters. They are materialists who think only of comfort and pleasure, and who have no sense of their historic responsibilities. One can only hold
Article 30
Remember in all that you do and do not do, in all that you say and do not say, that you are a German! Believe loyally and unshakably in the Führer and in victory. Remember always that you are
A New Year
by Joseph Goebbels
1943 was a year of testing for us. The Reich had the task of defending the economic and military ground that our army had won in past great offensives, and which is the
The Battle of Berlin
by Joseph Goebbels
The English press has called the series of terror attacks on the Reich capital, which has been continuing for three months with only occasional pauses, the “Battle of Be
Life Goes On
by Joseph Goebbels
To live and work in a frequently bombed city is not something anyone enjoys today. We hardly need mention the tremendous burdens enemy air terror puts on those who suffe
The Background of the Invasion
by Joseph Goebbels
The invasion of the European coast by the Western powers is the central military event of the summer. It deserves our first attention in considering the overall war situ
The Question of Revenge
by Joseph Goebbels
As our V-1s raced over the English Channel for the first time during the night of 16 June, the English public was struck by paralyzing fear. The British Home Secretary M
The Call of Duty
by Joseph Goebbels
The one good aspect to 20 July was that it brought each of us to attention. Suddenly the nation stood before an abyss and peered into its terrifying depth. Everyone real
The Higher Law
by Joseph Goebbels
If proof were still needed of the accuracy of our views of the political background of the whole war goal the enemy side is pursuing, it would be given by the most recen
The World Crisis
by Joseph Goebbels
We Germans are not the only ones in the sixth year of war. One may assume that the problems the war’s long duration have given us also affect the other combatant nations
The Year 2000
by Joseph Goebbels
The three enemy war leaders, American sources report, have agreed at the Yalta Conference to Roosevelt’s proposal for an occupation program that will destroy and extermi
Fighters for the Eternal Reich
by Joseph Goebbels
Under the fury of the enemy offensives that have been pressing down on our fronts to the west, east, and south for months, as well as the almost unceasing bombing of our
Resistance at Any Price
by Joseph Goebbels
The war has reached a stage at which only the full efforts of the nation and of each individual can save us. The defence of our freedom no longer depends on the army fig
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