Chapter II. STYLISTICUSE OF INTONATION

Intonation plays a central role in stylistic differentiation of oral texts. Stylistically explicable deviations from intonational norms reveal conventional patterns differing from language to language. Adult speakers are both transmitters and receivers of the same range of phonostylistic effects carried by intonation. The intonation system of a language provides a consistently rec­ognizable invariant basis of these effects from person to person.

The uses of intonation in this function show that the informa­tion so conveyed is, in many cases, impossible to separate from lexical and grammatical meanings expressed by words and con­structions in a language (verbal context) and from the co-occur-iirig situational information (non-verbal context). The meaning of intonation cannot be judged in isolation. However, intonation


does not usually correlate in any neat one-for-one way with the verbal context accompanying and the situational variables in an extra-linguistic context. Moreover, the perceived contrast with the intonation of the previous utterance seems to be relevant. In the following example a connecting phrase in the appropriate intonation conditions the stylistic force of the accompanying sentence, and contrasts with the 'literal* meaning of the words:

You 'KNOW | I think he's x RIGHT (= let me tell you, I

think...) You $KNOW I think he's right (= you are aware that I think...)

One of the objectives of phonostylistics is the study of into-national functional styles.* An intonational style can be defined as a system of interrelated intonational means which is used in a certain social sphere and serves a definite aim in communication. The problem of intonational styles classification can hardly be regarded as settled as yet. In this book we distinguish the following five style categories:

(1) informational (formal) style;

(2) scientific (academic) style;

(3) declamatory style;

(4) publicistic style;

(5) familiar (conversational) style.

The situational context and the speaker's purpose determine the choice of an intonational style. The primary situational deter­minant is the kind of relationship existing between the partici­pants in a communicative transaction.

Intonational styles distinction is based on the assumption that there are three types of information present in communica­tion: (a) intellectual information, (b) emotional and attitudinal (modal) information, (c) volitional and desiderative information. Consequently, there are three types of intonation patterns used in oral communication: (a) intonation patterns used for intellec-

* Standard English in the course of its development has evolved a number of functional styles, both phonetic and verbal. The two often overlap, but do not necessarily fully coincide. According to Prof. I. R. Galperin, there are five verbal functional styles (also referred to as registers or discourses): (1) the belles-lettres style, (2) publicistic style, (3) newspaper style, (4) scientific prose style, (5) the style of official documents. They are the product of the develop­ment of the written variety of language. In the case of oral representation of written texts each verbal style is given a phonetic identity.


tual purposes, (b) intonation patterns used for emotional and at-titudinal purposes, (c) intonation patterns used for volitional and desiderative purposes. All intonational styles include intellectual intonation patterns, because the aim of any kind of intercourse is to communicate or express some intellectual information. The frequency of occurrence and the overall intonational distribution of emotional (or attitudinal) and volitional (or desiderative) pat­terns shape the distinctive features of each style.

Informational (formal)style is characterised by the predomi­nant use of intellectual intonation patterns. It occurs in formal discourse where the task set by the sender of the message is to communicate information without giving it any emotional or vo­litional evaluation. This intonational style is used, for instance, by radio and television announcers when reading weather fore­casts, news, etc. or in various official situations. It is considered to be stylistically neutral.

In scientific (academic)style intellectual and volitional (or desiderative) intonation patterns are concurrently employed. The speaker's purpose here is not only to prove a hypothesis, to create new concepts, to disclose relations between different phe­nomena, etc., but also to direct the listener's attention to the message carried in the semantic component. Although this style tends to be objective and precise, it is not entirely unemotional and devoid of any individuality. Scientific intonational style is frequently used, for example, by university lecturers, school­teachers, or by scientists in formal and informal discussions.

In declamatorystyle the emotional role of intonation increas­es, thereby intonation patterns used for intellectual, volitional and emotional purposes have an equal share. The speaker's aim is to appeal simultaneously to the mind, the will and feelings of the listener by image-bearing devices. Declamatory style is gen­erally acquired by special training and it is used, for instance, in stage speech, classroom recitation, verse-speaking or in reading aloud fiction.

Publicisticstyle is characterized by predominance of volition­al (or desiderative) intonation patterns against the background of intellectual and emotional ones. The general aim of this intona­tional style is to exert influence on the listener, to convince him that the speaker's interpretation is the only correct one and to cause him to accept the point of view expressed in the speech. The task is accomplished not merely through logical argumenta-


tion but through persuasion and emotional appeal. For this rea­son publicistic style has features in common with scientific style, on the one hand, and declamatory style, on the other. As dis­tinct from the latter its persuasive and emotional appeal is achieved not by the use of imagery but in a more direct manner. Publicistic style is made resort to by political speech-makers, ra­dio and television commentators, participants of press conferenc­es and interviews, counsel and judges in courts of law, etc.

The usage of familiar (conversational)style is typical of the English of everyday life. It occurs both within a family group and in informal.external relationships, namely, in the speech of inti­mate friends or well-acquainted people. In such cases it is the emotional reaction to a situational or verbal stimulus that mat­ters, thereby the attitude- and emotion-signalling function of in­tonation here comes to the fore. Nevertheless intellectual and volitional intonation patterns also have a part to play. In infor­mal fluent discourse there are examples of utterance where the effect of intellectual intonation is neutralized, eg:

MARY: ...I can live like other people, make my own decisions,

decide for myself what I should or shouldn't do! MACFEE: Aye. MARY (ecstatically): Oh its ^WONDERFUL, £ ^MARVELLOUS, ]

* HEAVENLY, | DE---- UGHTFUL!

(P. Ableman. "Blue Comedy")

Analysis of most varieties of English speech shows that the intonational styles in question occur alternately (fusion of styles). For example, a university lecturer can make use of both scientific style (definitions, presentation of scientific facts) and declamatory style (an image-bearing illustration of these defini­tions and facts).

Moreover, intonational styles contrastivity is explicable only within the framework of speech typology, embracing primarily: (a) varieties of language, (b) forms of communication, (c) degree of1 speech preparedness, (d) the number of participants involved in communication, (e) the character of participants' relationship.

Language in its full interactional context has two varieties — spoken and written. The term 'spoken' is used in rela­tion to oral texts produced by unconstrained speaking, while the term 'written' is taken to cover both oral representation of writ­ten texts (reading) and the kind of English that we sometimes


hear in the language, of public speakers and orators, or possibly in formal conversation (more especially between strangers). Since the spoken and the written varieties may have an oral form the term 'oral text* is applicable to both. According to the nature of the participation situation in which the speaker is involved two forms of communication are generally singled out — monologue and d i a 1 î g u e, the former being referred to as a one-sided type of conversation and the latter as a balanced one.*

Degree of speech preparedness entails distinction between prepared and spontaneous speech. Sometimes quasi-spontaneous speech is being distinguished.

As far as the number of participants involved in communica-. tion is concerned, speech may be public and non-pub-1 i ñ And, finally, from the character of participants' relationship viewpoint there are formal and informal types of speech.

Thus, an intonational style is a many-faceted phenomenon and in describing, for example, the intonational identity of famil­iar (conversational) style one has to take into account that it oc­curs in the spoken variety of English, both in one-sided (mono­logue) and balanced (dialogue) types of conversation, in sponta­neous, non-public, informal discourse (for correlation between intonational styles and speech typology see the table on pa­ge 238).

Since the scope of this book is practical rather than theoreti­cal, we shall not deal with each style in its entirety. Our attention will be confined to the study of those aspects of intonational styles that are essential for would-be teachers of English.

QUESTIONS AND TASKS

1. Why do we recognise phonostylistic effects carried by in­tonation irrespective of the speaker?

" Another balanced type of conversation is apolyiogue, i. e. utter­ance with alternating participants, usually more than two in number. It is diffi­cult to suggest fairly definite boundaries for dialogue and poiylogue, since lin­guistic data on poiylogue are still deficient. The only information available at the moment is that monologue and poiylogue are discriminated by the num­ber and distribution of prominent syllables and by the number of pauses.