The So-Called Russian Soul - раздел Информатика, Wir fordern,” Der Angriff, Aufsätze aus der Kampfzeit By Joseph Goebbels
The Hard And Pitiless Battle For Sevastapol, As W...
by Joseph Goebbels
The hard and pitiless battle for Sevastapol, as well as the recent broad offensive operations of the German army, have reopened a lively debate, above all in the neutral press. Similar to that of the past winter, it is on the issue of the so-called Russian soul. The spiritual as well as the territorial boundaries between Asia and Europe have always interested Western Europeans. It is not to be denied that the ethnic mixture that we called Russia before 1917 and the Soviet Union thereafter has been a riddle to our part of the world. That had nothing to do with tsarism then or Bolshevism today. It simply has to do with the fact that the various peoples joined together in this monster of a nation are not a people [Volk] in our sense of the word.
The many sides of the Russian soul which appears so complex and contradictory to us are in reality nothing but the reflection of the various peoples who are a part of it. It would be a mistake to evaluate it by the standards of Western Europe. What we call Russia has always been a collective mass. Only a small portion of it has made history. Earlier it was the tsarist upper class, today the Bolshevist-Jewish ruling clique. The broad masses of peasants and workers were only tools, having themselves no part in historical events.
The peoples of the Soviet Union live at a level of brutish primitiveness that we can hardly imagine. An exhibition called “The Soviet Paradise” has recently visited Berlin and other large cities, trying to show the nature of life in the Soviet Union through original materials. Normal and naive people can hardly believe it. One often saw groups of civilians discussing the matter heatedly, who then had to be told by a few wounded veterans of the Eastern Front that reality in the so-called workers’ and peasants’ paradise was even worse than what was presented. It is significant that the campaign against the Soviet Union has not brought back any fond memories of communism. None of our soldiers has seen any evidence of an agreement between the theory and practice of Bolshevism. None has returned from the East as a communist. The veil has been removed. Bolshevism is not a danger for us any longer.
It still seems astonishing that the Soviet army has put up resistance against our troops that they have not encountered in previous campaigns. They fight with a stolid, almost bestial determination, and sometimes show a contempt of death that is more than remarkable. Participants in the Battle of Sevastopol relate stories of the resistance of the Soviet troops that need explanation if they are not to unsettle a large part of the public.
The Russians throughout their history have always shown a particularly stubborn and tough manner of defense, while never being particularly gifted at offense. Their national character has a defensive nature. They are stolid and animalistic. They are accustomed to a hard and impoverished existence, and therefore do not hold on to life all that strongly. The average person has less worth than a bicycle. A rapid birthrate quickly replaces any losses. They have a type of primitive toughness that one cannot call bravery. It is entirely different. Bravery is a kind of spiritual courage. The toughness with which the Bolshevists defended their bunkers in Sevastapol was more a bestial drive, and nothing could be more mistaken than to assume that it was the result of Bolshevist views or education. The Russians were always like that, and will likely always remain so. It is also easier to throw a life away when there is no promise to it than when, even at the moment of danger, a distant paradise still seems to beckon.
One does not need to speak of the enormous danger that the armed uprising of such stolid millions is for Germany and all of Europe. For attacking soldiers, the motive of the defenders is not particularly relevant. The methods the Bolshevist commissars use to drive their troops to the last measure of resistance are not really all that important for the course of battle. It is however important to know it to prevent false impressions. Bolshevism is a master at exploiting the Slavic national soul. Only in Russia was this dreadful experiment possible. It required the primitive and bestial dullness of the peoples forming the Soviet Union, as well as their limited social and economic expectations. Its methods were then implemented with a consistency that amazed the observer.
Our first images of Bolshevism were not exaggerated, but understated. They were cast into the shadows by reality. We will not even mention the so-called social achievements of the Soviet system, which in comparison with ours can provoke only laughter or shock. It has hardly a matter of taste, however, to be astonished by the fact that Bolshevist propaganda largely succeeded in sealing the masses of Russian workers and peasants off from the world and persuading them by stupid repetition that they were living in a paradise on earth. Independent judgment requires the opportunity to compare. That is ruled out for them. The workers and peasants of the Soviet Union are like the man imprisoned in a dark dungeon for 25 years, who may easily be persuaded that a kerosene lantern is the sun.
The political commissar has a function in such a system that is absolutely incomprehensible for us. He wields the whip, both among the masses and in the army. He has full power over life and death, and his own head is on the line as well. The stolid masses are at his disposal. They are forced to choose between accepting it all or facing jail at the least or bestial death at the worst. There is nothing like an intelligentsia remaining to put up any resistance. The system has the resources to eliminate it at the earliest stages. The whole country is covered by a spy system that misuses children to spy on their parents. What choice do the stolid and hopeless masses have but to obey with the fatalism that lies within their racial soul, to give themselves up to their fate? What choice does a soldier in a bunker have when the commissar is standing there with a drawn pistol, and systematic Jewish propaganda has persuaded him that becoming a prisoner means not only death, but gruesome torture?
That really has nothing to do with bravery as we understand it. Even this system, when it faces the final test, will bend before the superior force of manly combativeness. The Bolshevists had a great advantage in their defensive positions, yet they capitulated after 25 days. In the end, their system lacks the free personal will that springs from the individual fighting spirit. It overcomes difficulty and danger not through terror and threats, but through individual bravery. Certainly international Jewry with its organized stolid and malleable human material is a dangerous enemy. Once it is used up, there will be no threat left for us to face. We would have to doubt the quality of our race, the goodness of our soldiers, and the fighting power of our worldview and principles if we even for a moment doubted that we can break this danger.
It is a part of the fate of the German race that at critical points it must defend itself against the threat from the East. It is especially dangerous today, bound as it is to the ruthless infernal goals of Jewish intellectualism. Without doubt it was a near fatal threat not only to Germany, but to all of occidental culture, when Jewry transformed the physical capacities of the East into a monstrous and armed Soviet military, aimed at Germany and all of Europe. The red commissar is defending his world tby holding together his attack on us. We must destroy his system if we want to live free from danger in the future.
This explanation goes beyond the realm of Philistine discussions of the so-called Russian soul. The old measures are inadequate to things of such an enormous spiritual and philosophical scale. The gigantic battle on the Eastern Front is shaking a world that must fall if we are to have any kind of a national future. The bestial brutality with which the enemy is waging war is proof of the enormity of the danger facing us. Everything is truly at stake. One cannot imagine the consequences if that system were to be implemented here. It would introduce Europe’s total domination by international Jewry. Our people would be subjected to the stolid brutality of a primitive race and would lose its most valuable aspects. London could only welcome such a thing. They have an opponent they are unable to defeat by their own strength, as the development of the war shows.
One therefore understands why we Germans have limited patience for intellectual discussions of a so-called Russian national soul, which must be thoroughly investigated in order to uncover its presumed secrets. There are no mysteries here, only facts. We are battling a world power that threatens our national life. The war is hard reality for us, not a philosophical question. We see its ghastly origins, and our soldiers are fighting for our holiest possessions. We do not underestimate our opponent. Still, we are as always persuaded that here too the higher race will triumph over the lower one, regardless of what infernal means it uses to escape its deserved fate.
We know well that Europe would be lost if the Axis powers did not defend it. We have given our part of the world renewed youth. The attack from the East against its life and culture will fail, because we will meet its stolid power with an offensive resistance that draws its strength from the intelligence of the leadership and the vitality of Europe’s young races.
As so often before, this time, too, the surging nomads of the East will be driven back to their steppes. That is the purpose of our battle against the Soviet Union.
Background: Goebbels began a weekly newspaper called Das Reich in 1940. He generally wrote the lead article each week, in which he took special pride. This essay is dated 9 August 1942. It presents the standard Nazi view of the U.S. as a land with no culture. For a good discussion of Goebbels’ wartime essays, see Bramsted’s book Goebbels and National Socialist Propaganda.
The source: “Aus Gottes eigenem Land,” Das eherne Herz (Munich: Zentralverlag der NSDAP, 1943), pp. 421-427.
God’s Country
by Joseph Goebbels
One is never sure which of two characteristics is more prominent in the American national character and therefore of the greater significance: naivete or a superiority complex. When for example they say things about our region, our surprise at their ignorance is surpassed only by annoyance at their stupid insolence. The less they know about a matter, the more confidently they speak. They really believe that Europeans are eagerly waiting to hear from them and follow their advice. They took our strategic decision not to discuss their shallow culture before the war as a sign of admiration. Their greatest technical accomplishments are refrigerators and radios. They cannot believe that there are cultural values that are the result of centuries of historical development, which cannot simply be bought. It was no bad joke when, after the war, they bought the ruins of German castles and moved them stone by stone to the U.S.A. They really thought that they had purchased a piece of national history embodied in stone, and were naive enough to think that mocking laughter from Europe was respect for the wealth that enabled them to buy what their own tradition and culture lacked.
A book by Scottish author Eric Linklater titled “Juan in America” has just appeared in German translation. With few words but deadly irony, it holds the mirror up to the Yankees. One must read this book, which takes place in the postwar period, to rightly understand the Americans. Recently the American press claimed that Americans were of the opinion that General Rommel learned his military techniques, admired throughout the world, from the Americans. General Lee used his cavalry in the same way Rommel used his tanks. One does not know whether to be astonished or contemptuous at this naive and stupid idea. In any event, it is genuinely American, and one can give odds of 10:1 that most Americans are firmly convinced that it is so.
Only in the U.S.A. could the wife of the president receive a thousand dollar honorarium at a charity gathering, and take the money without bothering to see if the gathering for the benefit of those injured in the war would thereby run a deficit. The New York newspapers recently reported this. Mrs. Roosevelt even appears for a healthy fee as a fashion model, showing the latest furs to an admiring public. She writes a column for a large number of U.S.A. newspapers titled “My Day,” in which she tells how she spent the previous day, what she wore, which cocktail parties she attended, whom she met, and what she plans to do the next day.
We really have the wrong image of America. Hollywood films are mostly to blame, since they present the life style of the upper ten thousand, which most Americans themselves experience though films. American observers waver between unlimited admiration and deep contempt. Superficial observers admire it, real experts always hold it in contempt. There is certainly much that is at first glance impressive in this new part of the world still in its adolescence. The height of the skyscrapers is, however, no measure of the level of culture. This land that wants to protect intellectual freedom in the ancient cultures of Europe and Asia itself has no permanent theater or opera. A private concern like New York’s Metropolitan Opera survives in peacetime only on German and Italian operas, and had to close its doors for financial reasons once the war began.
The U.S.A. has no poets, no painters, no architects or composers of world stature. Whatever culture it has is borrowed from Europe. The land lacks its own language, culture, and civilization. It has borrowed everything, generally debasing it by Americanizing it, never improving it. Americanization is a kind of kitschification that gives every cultural value an American stamp, turning a mature language into slang, the waltz into jazz, a work of literature into a crime story.
If the Americans lacked money, they would probably be the most despised people in the world. Superiority is nowhere as annoying as with them. They naturally build the best airplanes and tanks, and by the hundreds of thousands. They have the best generals and soldiers, and their defeats are only proof of their intelligence in destroying the bravery of their enemies. Their president is a demigod, though he led the nation into an economic catastrophe from which he saw no way out other than war. They promised Europe a savior in 1917 and sent them a Wilson in 1919. They will repeat this great betrayal today if we do not prevent it. In short, it is a nation still a long way from being a nation, and a people that lacks the most important prerequisite for being a people, a clear style of life.
According to official American statistics, there are 190 Protestant and 430 Catholic churches in New York, but 1000 synagogues. What else should one expect of a city with a Jewish mayor who recently attempted at a reception for foreign journalists to explain European problems in the jargon of the gangsters! The Jews have given their stamp not only to this city, but the whole of public life. The president is surrounded by Jewish advisors and his wife clears the way for her Jewish friends to enter the administration and war office. One feels the need to wash one’s hands after reading American newspapers. They are filled with intellectual filth, daily printing such stories as an announcement that a number of prisoners have formed “Fighters, Inc.,” and offered their services to the president. They were ready to fight in the ranks of the Allies against aggression. Mr. Roosevelt happily accepted their offer.
Can anyone name a single country in Europe where the public would accept such a thing? There was not a word of protest in the U.S.A. The same president recently told a press conference that a surprisingly large number of young people were unsuited for service in the army and the marines because they could not read or write. Is it any surprise that a cunning and demagogic leadership can do what it wants with a nation of such an educational level? At a time when U.S. forces experience one defeat after another and its ships sail the world’s oceans only at the risk of death, they naively announce that they are producing a million victory medals for American soldiers to wear as a sign of their worth when they occupy Germany. American officers are studying at Southern University such matters as civil administration, the laws of war, and related matters. Their task is to return to good order the territories now occupied by the Axis powers.
So far, not a single U.S.A. soldier has set foot on foreign soil, but many have been chased back to U.S. soil in disgrace. After a siege of two or three weeks, an army of 60,000 men with munitions and food sufficient for six months gave up, leaving all of 600 dead behind. That does not bother its brilliant leadership in the least. Of course, it does not have a citizenry able to defend itself against such silly illusions. Everything is junk and make-believe. Everything is sensational. Public opinion can be kneaded like dough. It is a paradise for cunning Jews and businessmen who terrorize the people while flying the flag of democracy and citing Roosevelt’s Four Freedoms. Only in the U.S.A. is it possible for criminals to become world famous gangsters, the guests of mayors and police chiefs, who give interviews for journalists from newspapers with circulations in the millions in which they give their opinions on the questions of the day.
We would not say anything if the U.S.A. were aware of its intellectual and moral defects and was trying to grow up. But it is too much when it behaves in an impudent manner toward a part of the earth with a few thousands years of glorious history behind it, attempting to teach it moral and intellectual lessons, whether out of innocence or a complete lack of genuine culture and learning. We can forgive the mistakes of youth, but this degree of arrogance gets on one’s nerves.
We therefore have no appreciation for the Americanism that can be found in certain of our circles. We fail to see why we as the leading musical nation in the world should borrow even a single note from the U.S.A. We have a level of culture and civilization that is denied to most Americans. One who understands this can hardly have much sympathy for what they understand as culture and civilization. Although we affirm the technical achievements of our age, we see behind them an intellectual strength that grows from the roots of our people. Machines are a means to an end, not an end in themselves. As much as we appreciate the achievements of modern civilization and use them to improve life, we know that they are not the sole meaning of life. There are national values that are the result of centuries of history and tradition. They cannot be purchased, only built by the labor of generations.
In any event, we prefer not to be buried in America. In the midst of the confusions of the day, we still have the ability to distinguish truth from falsehood and gold from floss. We are not impressed by American big talk and orgies of numbers. We know well enough that the trees do not grow as high as heaven on the other side of the Atlantic either. As far as God’s country goes, Europeans discovered it and give it life even today. Were it left to its own resources, it would soon return once more to desert and prairie, as wide and as empty as the souls of its people.
Don’t Be Too Fair!
by Joseph Goebbels
We Germans are still a young nation, with the virtues and weaknesses as well as the advantages and disadvantages of youth. Our national sense is a recent development, and still under attack. We identified too long with our tribal origins for our sense of nationhood to be self-evident. In England a statement like “My country — right or wrong!” is an incontestable principle of public life, but it is still difficult for us Germans.
We have a highly developed individual sense of justice, indeed we suffer from a kind of super-objectivity that mostly benefits our worst enemies and harms our own interests. An appeal to our decency always works, and we do not think too much about whether it is honestly intended or only exploits our good nature. Were one to leave the German people without clear leadership for a few years, it would soon return to being a colorful conglomerate of individuals. Nothing is more characteristic of our national character than that many millions of German-Americans maintain their social connections in bowling clubs, singing groups, and homeland associations, but soon lose their patriotic feelings.
National Socialism gave us Germans a kind of national consciousness for the first time. It gave at least a part of today’s generation a sense of what it means to be a people. But that feeling is still so young and fragile that we must always guard it.
Our enemies know that better than we do, and use it in their propaganda. One can hardly imagine another nation falling prey to such a grotesque bluff as we fell for in 1918. We could not imagine that our enemies did not have the same ideas and concepts as we do. We believed their phrases of world brotherhood, and it took years before we saw through the swindle. And we Germans are not the kind of people with long memories. Indeed, we love to extend our sympathies to other nations that do not even want it. Even Versailles did not keep us from thinking the French were our friends within a few years, and not even this war, instigated not only in London but in Paris and directed against our very existence, has had an impact on our friendly attitudes toward the French.
One cannot imagine what our people would do with a government that practices swindles on such a scale as Mr. Churchill’s in England. Yet there are people among us who see some sort of political style in it. It does not concern them in the least that it is directed entirely against us and that it is the real cause of the troubles and concerns of the war. We are so afraid of doing an injustice to others that we prefer when uncertain to do ourselves an injustice. One really cannot maintain that the German leadership has made many mistakes in this war. By and large we have always analyzed the situation accurately. Still there are those among us who work to forget everything we have predicted that came to pass and with the same energy remember those cases, and repeat them incessantly, in which we supposedly made a mistake.
No one will say that is fair. It is even more distressing, however, when these same people grant a kind of super-correctness to the enemy that is entirely out of place. They find any sign of self-interest on our side objectionable, while viewing the most primitive demagogy on the other side as originality. It really does not take all that much intelligence to see through Mr. Churchill’s tricks. He certainly has demagogic abilities of the highest order. But that is all he has. We find it an insult to compare him with the Führer. One cannot imagine that the English would grant the Führer any trace of justice at all, even though all that he is and has accomplished is the result of his own efforts, though he lives a life of almost legendary simplicity, and has shaken the entire world with his ideas. The English are saving their sentimentality for after the war, when it will not cost them anything.
We are different. If one of our newspapers says something crude about a statesman on the enemy side (the kind of expressions, by the way, that are common every day even in the serious British papers), the German sense of justice is suddenly awakened and our Michel feels the need to protect this statesman, to point out his good sides, and to defend his weaknesses.
We Germans must still learn to hate. We do not incline to chauvinism, and when one wants to heat up our national soul he must proceed carefully. There are supposedly even German soldiers who, after marching 1000 kilometers through the horror and spiritual desolation of the Eastern wilderness discover somewhere an atlas in a village school. They ponder it and ask doubtfully if perhaps there may not be something to Bolshevism after all.
The English destroyed a whole valuable ancient culture in India, and never even thought about studying its history and values. They are English, after all. They think that the world was created for the English, while we think that we Germans were created to serve the world. That is the difference between us. It is certainly the case that the British standpoint is better suited for practical political life, and that we are always at a disadvantage. Many of us would hardly want to have those English characteristics, but that does not stop us from admiring the English. The English find it obvious that one speaks English with them. We would hardly expect a foreigner to speak German. We break our heads learning French or English and look for Americans to explain the mysteries of slang to us so as not to inconvenience them by speaking proper English.
Are these traits appreciated? Not at all! These German traits are held in contempt rather than admiration. Certain people who spent six months in England before the war thought it their duty upon returning home to add an English accent to their speech. They wanted English clothing, ate English, drank five o’clock tea instead of coffee, did not use their umbrella even when it rained, regardless of the grins of their fellow countrymen, and sneered at the homeland from which they came but which they tried to forget as soon as they encountered a different world.
We Germans still have a lot to learn if we finally want to come out ahead spiritually and socially. Some of us, particularly those proud of their good education and breeding, suffer a sudden inferiority complex abroad. They behave as if they always need to apologize, looking like someone attending a formal dinner for the first time who is not sure which utensil to use for the fish. We are wholly free of such an inferiority complex, and can therefore speak about it openly. When before the war some English or American journalist came to us and impudently asked whether we understood English, we did not feel distressed and embarrassed, but rather told the boor in German that even if we could speak English, we would not speak it with him, and showed him the door. He usually got the idea.
We do not want to be misunderstood. We certainly do not underestimate the enemy. The best way to avoid that is to know him and study him. We realize that England is not a nation of devils. They have admirable characteristics. But we will not speak of them as long as they see no good in us. And there is a war on. We hate them from the bottom of our souls because they threaten our very life, because they oppose our national existence out of envy, jealousy, and ill-concealed national pride.
Why are we fairer to them than they are to us? We are fighting the war according to purely pragmatic principles. We do not want a second catastrophe along the lines of 1918. We depend not on the grace of our enemy, but rather on military might. That has nothing to do with objectivity. We easily reject the charge that we are prejudiced. We are not interested in a purely objective decision when our very existence, our very life is at stake. We are on our side, prejudiced, stubborn and selfish in this regard. Do not tell us that is not German. It may be that the opposite is German, but if so it is a bad and dangerous side of our national character that we must fight. Should we be so objective and fair that in the end we do ourselves an injustice? Even Klopstock assailed this German national weakness when he told our people not to be too fair, for our enemies are not noble enough to see how lovely a mistake that is.
Lovely or not, it is a mistake. Over our history it has done us more damage than we can bear. Our present situation is indeed a consequence of it. At vital moments in our history, we have lacked sufficient national egotism to enable us to rise above objectivity and fairness to give full service to our national interest, undeterred by any false sentimentality. If the German people suddenly became leaderless today, they probably would wander around the world as so often in the past spreading morals, culture, civilization, and education, but entirely forgetting to bring food and fuel along. The German people are the heart of humanity, and our mission today is to give it a broad foundation for its existence. That is an ideal, but a realistic one worthy of the greatest sacrifices.
If we once again stood with empty hands at the end of the war, we should be ashamed before the mothers who lost their sons, the children who lost the fathers, and the women who lost their husbands. We therefore warn against any danger we see, and particularly against those with roots in our national character. The bourgeois era with its false and lying idea of humanitarianism is over. We are in the middle of a hard century. It will be won not by good nature, but by manliness and strength. The world is divided by love and hate. To be on firm ground, one must know whom to love and whom to hate.
There is only one thing that is objectively incontestable for us: We must win. That must guide us!
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The imposition of martial law
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Adolf Hitler
The source: Heinz Franke, Die Journaille lügt! (Munich: Eher Verlag, 1932).
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In order to divert the masses from the undeniable fact that it was the Red leaders who betrayed the German army and dest
Young Plan
As the National Socialists attempted to save the German people from the disastrous Young Plan through a referendum, the Red sensationalist newspapers cried and shouted that the Nazis were promoting
Capital Flight
After the National Socialist election victory of 14 September 1930, the Social Democratic party hacks began to tolerate the bourgeois Brüning cabinet that they had previously opposed. They att
Inflation
As the old lies were no longer believable, the Red bigwig society found a new lie in fall 1931, the lie that the Nazis wanted inflation. With astounding insolence, the same elements responsible for
Mass brochures free of charge.
Among them were the Scheidemann pamphlet Heads in the Sand? and the Löbe pamphlet The Dragon of Marxism — each with a million free copies distributed. The NSDAP
The sensationalist newspapers lie
from principle, in order to divert attention from the treason and crimes of the Red bankrupts.
Lie as much as you want!
The German worker does not believe you any longer. He turns
The Hindenburg Election of 1925
The first round of the Reich presidential election of 29 March 1925 had these results:
Votes
Dr. Karl Jarres, Middle Class coalition
Center Party 1925
In the Reich presidential election of 1925, the Center Party competed with the Jewish Democrats and Social Democrats in inventing slanders against that same general field marshal.
The Cent
Center Party 1932
The Center Party paper Germania published an articled titled “Hindenburg’s Candidacy: The National Goal is to Unite the People in a Battle for its Existence” on 16 F
The Center Party and the SPD on their presidential candidate
During the Reich presidential election, the Volksfreund (24 April 1925) and the Badische Beobacher (25 April 1925) published the following caricature of Hindenburg:
Field Marshal von Hindenburg.
Those who have been, or might be proposed as counter candidates, in view of the situation, cannot be an affirmation, but rather the negation of the German will for unity
Vossische Zeitung
9 April 1925
“...The catastrophic impression that Hindenburg’s candidacy has had in America is becoming clearer and clearer; ... German-Swiss concerns ... A happy day for Poinc&aac
Berliner Morgenpost
10 April 1925
“All of Germany’s enemies rejoice, all of its friends are dismayed.”
15 April 1925
“...If Hindenburg comes before the nation with the claim
The Democrats in 1932
The Vossische Zeitung wrote in issue #77 of 15 February 1932:
“The mass meeting at which Hindenburg accepted the nomination to run for a second term of office is a truly historic mo
Social Democrats in 1925
The Social Democrats surpassed everyone in this noble battle in throwing filth at the venerable field marshal of the World War. Vorwärts thundered and raged about the presumption of a g
Social Democrats 1932
Now this same Social Democracy is saying that it is “a particularly vile trick “ that the Nazis are not voting for Hindenburg. Today, the Social Democratic party h
Foreign Policy Failures
The policies of the Black-Red System parties have thrown the German people into the deepest hole that a people has ever been in.
The revolt of 9 November 1918 took the weapons away from th
Domestic Failures
The System parties failed utterly in foreign policy, but their bankruptcy in domestic policy was even greater.
Not a single one of the promises that the Red party hacks fed the masses over
The Great Illusion
The field marshal has accepted candidacy from the men who, seven years ago, attacked him in the most hateful ways, and is ready to run on behalf of those who opposed him in 1925. Hindenburg accepte
These three national states (as opposed to a Bolshevist state) together have about 8 million soldiers equipped with the best modern weapons.
Does anyone in the world believe that these three national states would or could tolerate a Bolshevist stronghold between them? A Bolshevist stronghold that would over time spread to France
A National Socialist Germany.
The system has not, and cannot, see the danger. It is necessarily the pathfinder for Bolshevism.
Therefore, a responsible German today cannot vote for Field Marshal von Hi
Facts and Lies about Hitler
The Führer as a Person
Two men stand at the fore in the battle for power in Germany, and behind each two mighty columns of the German people march. One man is the 85-
Building the foundations for its ability to survive.
Hitler is convinced that freedom for the German people and its appropriate position among the peoples can be gained through entirely peaceful methods. The prerequisite is the firm
A Selection of Lies about Hitler
Nothing better demonstrates the great hatred the parties responsible for Germany’s misery have for Hitler than a selection of the lies that they spread about him. And nothing speaks more for Hitler
Answers to the Most Common Lies
Hitler Betrayed South Tyrol!
Besides a court verdict, a South Tyrolean answered this one.Count Fedrigotti, a leader of the South Tyrol Home Federation, and Member
Answers to Frequent Questions
Why the Name “National Socialists”?
Hitler says:
“You cannot be a true nationalist without also being a socialist; you others cannot be true socialists wi
Adolf Hitler
was born on 20 April 1889 in Brannau am Inn, a formerly Bavarian town.
His father had worked himself up from the orphaned son of a poor farmer to a custom
Hitler decided to become a politician.
In 1919, he joined a small group of 6 men, and transformed it into the National Socialist German Workers Party. He outlined the goals of the new movement in broad detail, laying ou
The insanity of Versailles,
refuting strongly claims by the Marxists, the Center Party, etc., that its terms could be fulfilled. He also attacked the slogan these parties used that if Germany “disarmed, so would the others.”
His first jail term
for disrupting opponents’ meetings, receiving constant fines, but does not give up his battle against the System even for a moment.
During summer 1923, Hitler begi
On 27 February 1925, Adolf Hitler calls a meeting to reestablish the party, and speaks for the first time since his release to over 4,000 people.
Since the National Socialist movement was dissolved after 9 November 1923, and its assets and property seized, Hitler begins to build the party again, without any resources. Vorwärt
Emergency Economic Program of the NSDAP
Fighting Pamphlet Nr. 16: Pamphlet Series of the Reichspropaganda-Leitung of the NSDAP
Produced by Section IV (Economics) of the Reichsorganisationsleitung der NSDAP. 2nd edition (101,000
I. The National Socialist Job Creation Program
A. The reasons for creating jobs
Unemployment causes poverty, employment creates prosperity. Capital does
II. General Economic Measures
F. Commercial and financial measures
Foreign trade Foreign currency supplies Law against capital flight Currency reform G. Bank and credi
Unemployment benefits burden the economy, but job creation stimulates the economy.
Tolerating unemployment means:
With less labor, less is produced, and therefore less can be consumed. The result:hunger, poverty, and wage cuts. The fewer
Working people cannot be satisfied with meager unemployment benefits. Working people demand the right to a job.
Tolerating unemployment means a brutal deprivation of rights for the productive people’s comrade. He is robbed of his freedom to earn his living by his own efforts. He is robbed of the ability to s
We have the productive capacity for more jobs.
The stupidest objection to job creation is the claim that we lack the productive capacity. We have the land to produce more food (see section C). We have the mines to produce more coal and ore. We
We have markets for increased jobs.
Markets for German production must exist as long as the needs of the last German people’s comrade are not met. Today, 6 million people’s comrades are unemployed. T
These markets are available only domestically.
If the German economy is to meet its real task — meeting the needs of the German people — there are vast opportunities that are not today being met. Previous economic policy has aimed above
The focus on domestic markets must lead to the social liberation of the German worker.
Refocusing the German economy on the domestic market can succeed only if the masses of the people have sufficient purchasing strength to absorb the increased production. That, in turn, can happen o
What needs to be done.
The following steps must be taken to refocus the German economy on the domestic market:
Promoting the fertility of German soil by land reclamation (see Section C).
Only the state can accomplish these tasks.
The burden on public finance caused by unemployment today hinders any attempt to promote new jobs and production facilities, that is, any growth in private industry. Economic prosperity wil
The private home as dwelling
Along with food and clothing, housing is one of the necessities of life. The majority of those who live in big cities today do not live in decent apartments, but rather in terrible confined quarter
The private home as a productive space
Each private home should have a yard of about 1/4 hectare. That will allow a worker to raise a significant part of the food he needs from his own land. His life thereby becomes more secure, and he
Building settlements of individual homes
Each worker willing and able to buy a single-family house will receive a 40% subvention from the government. If he has a job, he can borrow the rest from a state bank, which will guarantee favorabl
Financing public job creation
As new jobs are created, unemployment and welfare payments will decline and tax revenues and social security contributions will increase. These savings and increases will cover at least 50% of tota
Financing production
The National Socialist job creation program will increase the prosperity and purchasing power of the people. More will be purchased, and the economy will sell more, and orders will increase. Since
Guidelines for our trade policy
Our foreign trade policy must be guided by the following guidelines:
The reparations policies of post-war governments have made Germany one of the poorest civilized
Foreign currency supplies
The bourgeois-liberal and Marxist governments of the post-war period have burdened the German people with foreign debts that are currently about 22 billion marks. These private deb
Law against capital flight
National Socialism demands that everything possible be done to make capital that has been transferred abroad useful again for the German economy.
In order to make the burdens
Currency Reform
For years, National Socialism has called for Germany to give up the gold standard:
The Reich Bank’s gold and foreign currency reserves are constantl
Bank supervision
The problems with today’s private banking system are clear. Bank presidents receive hundreds of thousands in pay for their supposed vastly important work; each mem
The money transfer system
Germany is behind in the cashless transfer of money. In England checks have become widely accepted. In America, children learn how to fill out a check in school. W
Reducing interest rates
The charging of interest has lost its purpose when it devours, or even exceeds, the profits of production. In the latter case, the productive capacity itself, and therefore the jobs, are destroyed.
Price controls
Wages, salaries, and private income are part of national income. The degree to which it is a part consists on the one hand on the amount of the wages, salaries, and private incomes, on the other ha
Avoiding excessive expenditures
To provide the funds for job creation, the state must exercise the greatest economy, just as in private industry.
Party book officials, who do nothing for the general good
Increasing the burden on those with strong shoulders
No one will believe that jobs can be created without sacrifice. But the sacrifices need to create jobs cannot randomly be added to all the other burdens laid on working people. All the sacrifices a
The current situation
As a result of foreign competition, farmers receive prices that may even be under their production costs, and only a fraction of what consumers in the cities pay.
A further fundamental cau
Wrong economic policies
Today, we meet only three quarters of our food needs by our own work on our own soil. The missing quarter of our food needs can be met only in part because of the reduction in our purchasing power
Correct economic policies
Our economic policy must ensure that the German people is fed. It is clear that, with the necessary improvements, e.g. land melioration (see section C), we will be able to meet our full food needs.
Approval requirements for new production facilities
As outlined in section B 5, Germany’s industrial capacity is structured not only at the German domestic market, but also on export opportunities that did indeed exist during earlier periods, but to
Nationalization and state supervision
Monopolies that are not dissolved must immediately come under direct state administration, i.e., be nationalized. A monopoly can by run just as well by the state as by private indu
The current situation
The two great economic sins of the System, the theft of German property through inflation and the theft of property through confiscatory taxation in the years following the inflation, have had the
Public contracts
The public contract system is to be reorganized with the fewest regulations possible, and under Point 16 of the party platform should favor small companies in the awarding of public contracts.
The right to employment
The foundation for solving the social question is the realization of the right to employment, which can only happen through our job creation program. Alaw on employment will lay do
Profit sharing
Interest reductions (section G 3), price controls (section H 1), state supervision of corporations (section K 2), the law on employment (section M 1), the tax measures (section H 3), and the cost-s
Labor service
The labor service is not compulsory labor for the unemployed, but rather a way to involve all young German men of a certain age range in work that is important for the whole German economy, and tha
Introduction
Propaganda in cities differs in many ways from that in the countryside. The major reason is the entirely different life style of big-city dwellers. They are politically more sophisticated and have
The Organization of Propaganda
The recognition that only a unified propaganda apparatus has the likelihood of success led the party headquarters and several regional offices (Gauleitungen) to create central propaganda o
The Methods of Propaganda
To carry out propaganda effectively in the cities, it is necessary to understand the proper use of the most important methods of propaganda. It is above all essential that the propaganda warden doe
Propaganda through the spoken word
Propaganda by the spoken word — talking with the individual, study groups, discussion evenings, mass meetings, choruses — usually result from the written word. The two forms of propaganda are insep
Tested Methods of Modern Propaganda
by Helmut von Wilucki
The difficult election battle is behind all the parties. The Reichstag election of 1932 was particularly difficult for the NSDAP, since an enormous flood of lies from
The New Year 1940-41
by Joseph Goebbels
One of the most significant years in German history ends today. Not only the Reich, but Europe as a whole changed greatly during its course. States, nations, and peoples
December 1943
My German Comrades!
The year 1943 is nearing its end. It will never be forgotten by us who fought and worked and lived through it. It was the most difficult year of the war so far, one tha
Our Hitler
Goebbels’ 1938 Speech on Hitler’s 49th Birthday
The Führer has probably never had so many happy people gathered about him for his birthday as in this year. All the 75
Bringing a miracle that was no miracle, only the result of tireless work blessed by the hand of the Almighty.
Perhaps it is also a religious act to put his whole life in the service of his people, and to work and act for the happiness of people. It is a religion without empty phrases and dogma, which nonet
Our Hitler
Goebbels’ 1939 Speech on Hitler’s 50th Birthday
In an unsettled and confused world, Germany tomorrow celebrates a national holiday in the truest sense of the word. It is a
Our Hitler
Goebbels’ 1940 Speech on Hitler’s Birthday
On 3 September last year, two hours after English plutocracy declared war on the German Reich, the British Prime Minister Chambe
Our Hitler
Goebbels’ 1941 Speech on Hitler’s Birthday
We Germans do not have sufficient historical distance to evaluate the full scope of the age in which we are living. We are child
Our Hitler
Goebbels’ 1942 Speech on Hitler’s Birthday
The film “The Great King” is playing in the movie theaters of the Reich. It treats the hard trials and historic challenges that
Our Hitler
Goebbels’ 1943 Speech on Hitler’s Birthday
The German people celebrate the Führer’s birthday this year in a particularly somber manner. This fourth year of the war ha
Our Hitler
Goebbels’ 1944 Speech on Hitler’s 55th Birthday
German citizens!
Not only fortune, but also reputation is always shifting during a war between great men and natio
Our Hitler
Goebbels’ 1945 Speech on Hitler’s 56th Birthday
German citizens!
At the moment of the war when — so it seems — all forces of hate and destruction have been gather
The Racial Question and World Propaganda
by Joseph Goebbels
The National Socialist revolution is a typical German product. Its scale and historical significance can only be compared with other great events in human history. It wo
By Joseph Goebbels
In the beginning of August, this year, one of the most authoritative English newspapers published a leading article entitled “Two Dictatorships”, in which a naive and misdirected attempt was made t
The Coming Europe
by Joseph Goebbels
I welcome the opportunity to speak to you on a number of questions that in my view must be openly discussed if relations between the Reich and the Protectorate are to be
Youth and the War
by Joseph Goebbels
This Sunday afternoon, the Youth Film Festival for the winter 1940/41 opens, held in conjunction with the Hitler Youth, the League of German Girls, and the Reich Propaga
Christmas, 1941
by Joseph Goebbels
As I speak on Christmas Eve over the radio to the German people, I am the spokesman for the homeland to all our soldiers who are far from home during this war Christmas
Nation, Rise Up, and Let the Storm Break Loose
by Joseph Goebbels
Only three weeks ago I stood in this place to read the Führer’s proclamation on the 10th anniversary of the seizure of power, and to speak to you and to the German
The Winter Crisis is Over
by Joseph Goebbels
The winter crisis is over. We may at times during the gray preceding months have looked at the situation with a grim expression, but we never resigned ourselves to the b
In the Front Ranks
by Joseph Goebbels
A sad and moving occasion brings me back today to the city of my youth. I stand here as the representative of the Führer and of the entire German people to bid fare
Immortal German Culture
by Joseph Goebbels
Were one to imagine Western culture without its contributions from Germany and Italy, much would be missing. As obvious as this may be, one has to repeat it now and agai
Great Days
by Joseph Goebbels
We look back on an historic week.
Last week in this space, we discussed a certain clique of ignorant and narrow-minded people who have no sense for the great er
The Morals of the Rich
by Joseph Goebbels
It easier for the rich to be moral than it is for the poor. Wealth protects the wealthy, but encourages the poor to take action.
A rich man, for example, would
Children With Their Hands Chopped Off
by Joseph Goebbels
The English are well known throughout the world for their lack of political scruples. They are experts at the art of hiding their misdeeds behind a facade of virtue. The
A Unique Age
by Joseph Goebbels
History does not repeat itself. As with everything creative, its imagination and opportunities are inexhaustible. However, it always follows eternally valid laws. Becaus
Missed Opportunities
by Joseph Goebbels
In Germany people say that the Führer is always right. Abroad, one says he is always lucky. That is only partly true. The Führer has earned his luck. He makes
Winston Churchill
by Joseph Goebbels
“There is only one way to break the resistance of the Boers: the most severe suppression. In other words, we must kill the parents to teach the children respect for us.”
The Veil Falls
by Joseph Goebbels
Hundreds of thousands of young German soldiers have been crossing our eastern border and marching through the famed “workers’ and peasants’ paradise.” Had National Socia
Mimicry
by Joseph Goebbels
The Jews are masters at fitting in to their surroundings, without in any way changing their nature. They are mimics. They have a natural instinct that senses danger, and
The Door to a New Era
by Joseph Goebbels
“I was confused in the past, and could not believe in anything great. But now I have seen it all, and ask that if I remain alive, you accept me as a member of the great
The Matter of the Plague
by Joseph Goebbels
German news policy has not had an easy time of it in the past weeks. Vast military operations were being planned about which the enemy had no idea, and of which, of cour
The Clay Giant
by Joseph Goebbels
The British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, as is well known, is a close friend of alcohol. His relations to the truth are a bit more strained. He has been on a war fo
Mr. Roosevelt Cross-Examined
by Joseph Goebbels
On 28 October, more than a month ago, U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt gave a radio speech that apparently had as its goal plunging the American people into uncertai
A Different World
by Joseph Goebbels
It is astonishing, hardly believable, how the state of the world can change entirely within a short time. Modern war speaks its own language, and ideas and principles th
The New Year
by Joseph Goebbels
Countless people in the enemy camp will nervously ask themselves what this new year 1942 will bring for them and their people. Will it be stagnation, setbacks or defeat?
An Open Discussion
by Joseph Goebbels
The new cuts in food rations that take effect on 6 April will have a big impact in the household of every citizen. It would be foolish and incorrect to ignore it or make
The Paper War
by Joseph Goebbels
It is clear that a war of such total extent as the present one requires a huge, wide-ranging organization with many branches. It reaches into all areas of public li
Heroes and Film Heroes
by Joseph Goebbels
Nothing is more characteristic of the Jewish-plutocratic view of the world, life and history than its tendency to gradually but inevitably transform all values in a nega
The Air War and the War of Nerves
by Joseph Goebbels
The war has reached a stage at which the enemy seems willing to use any means to change the currently unfavorable, even desperate, situation, and to bring about at least
The Tonnage War
by Joseph Goebbels
The enemy at the moment is nowhere so threatened as at sea. One no longer hears boasting claims from Churchill and Roosevelt that the danger of German U-boats has been o
What is at Stake
by Joseph Goebbels
There is probably no one in the warring nations who has not, either publicly or privately, thought about what his people, our part of the world, and the world itself wil
The Optics of War
by Joseph Goebbels
War, too, has its characteristic face. One sees it many places in the homeland, and everywhere at the front. Certain unmistakable signs clearly point to war. Visitors fr
The European Crisis
by Joseph Goebbels
One must understand the Jewish question in order to understand the present state of the war. How else could one explain the following facts: The Axis powers are fighting
The War and the Jews
by Joseph Goebbels
The naivete, not to mention ignorance, with which certain European circles see the Jewish Question in the fourth year of this gigantic struggle is astonishing. They cann
Morale as a Decisive Factor in War
by Joseph Goebbels
We are in the midst of a decisive period in the war. Using an unprecedented mass of weapons and psychological warfare, the enemy is attempting to capture positions that
The Realities of War
by Joseph Goebbels
Mature political judgment requires not only understanding, but also imagination. That is what generally is missing in those who shout their opinions the loudest. They ta
A Classic Example
by Joseph Goebbels
It attracted some notice when the author of these lines failed to provide his usual weekly lead article on the Friday following 25 July. Some unfriendly souls even belie
Articles of War for the German People
by Joseph Goebbels
These are the articles of war for the German people, who are now engaged in the most fateful battle of their history. Countless of Germany’s best have sacrificed their l
Article 9
The war leadership is doing the best it can. Often it cannot reveal the reasons for its actions without giving valuable information to the enemy. That means that even those of good will often do no
Article 10
The only thing we cannot afford to lose in this war is our freedom, the foundation of our life and our future. Everything else can be replaced, even if only through years of hard work. But a loss o
Article 19
Nothing is more contemptible than to think that one part of the nation wages the war, and another only watches. This is no war of governments or armies, it is a war of peoples. He who stands aside
Article 20
Just as in war there are medals and decorations for those who fulfill their duties with distinction, so, too, there must be warnings and if necessary harsh penalties for those who neglect their war
Article 29
There are people who have little interest in such matters. They are materialists who think only of comfort and pleasure, and who have no sense of their historic responsibilities. One can only hold
Article 30
Remember in all that you do and do not do, in all that you say and do not say, that you are a German! Believe loyally and unshakably in the Führer and in victory. Remember always that you are
A New Year
by Joseph Goebbels
1943 was a year of testing for us. The Reich had the task of defending the economic and military ground that our army had won in past great offensives, and which is the
The Battle of Berlin
by Joseph Goebbels
The English press has called the series of terror attacks on the Reich capital, which has been continuing for three months with only occasional pauses, the “Battle of Be
Life Goes On
by Joseph Goebbels
To live and work in a frequently bombed city is not something anyone enjoys today. We hardly need mention the tremendous burdens enemy air terror puts on those who suffe
The Background of the Invasion
by Joseph Goebbels
The invasion of the European coast by the Western powers is the central military event of the summer. It deserves our first attention in considering the overall war situ
The Question of Revenge
by Joseph Goebbels
As our V-1s raced over the English Channel for the first time during the night of 16 June, the English public was struck by paralyzing fear. The British Home Secretary M
The Call of Duty
by Joseph Goebbels
The one good aspect to 20 July was that it brought each of us to attention. Suddenly the nation stood before an abyss and peered into its terrifying depth. Everyone real
The Higher Law
by Joseph Goebbels
If proof were still needed of the accuracy of our views of the political background of the whole war goal the enemy side is pursuing, it would be given by the most recen
The World Crisis
by Joseph Goebbels
We Germans are not the only ones in the sixth year of war. One may assume that the problems the war’s long duration have given us also affect the other combatant nations
The Year 2000
by Joseph Goebbels
The three enemy war leaders, American sources report, have agreed at the Yalta Conference to Roosevelt’s proposal for an occupation program that will destroy and extermi
Fighters for the Eternal Reich
by Joseph Goebbels
Under the fury of the enemy offensives that have been pressing down on our fronts to the west, east, and south for months, as well as the almost unceasing bombing of our
Resistance at Any Price
by Joseph Goebbels
The war has reached a stage at which only the full efforts of the nation and of each individual can save us. The defence of our freedom no longer depends on the army fig
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